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The Southern States of America
Chapter IV - South Carolina, 1865 - 1909


Reconstruction in South Carolina.

There is no new South Carolina. Her boundary lines and her physical features remain unchanged. Her population within the dates named has not been affected by either emigration or immigration. Within the past forty-three years marvelous changes have occurred in the social, industrial, political and educational condition of the state, and South Carolinians have directed, and are directing, all these mighty movements. The same old stock works the same old soil under greatly changed and rapidly changing conditions.

The year 1865 was a dark year-the very darkest -in the annals of the Palmetto state. In February Sherman's army marched northward from Savannah, burning the towns of Barnwell, Orangeburg, Columbia, Winnsboro, Camden and Bennettsville ; applying the torch to many public buildings (including churches) and private residences; tearing up the railroads, burning the cross-ties and twisting the rails; living on the country and utterly destroying such supplies as the Northern troops did not consume-even the pig in the pen, the chickens in the yard, and the milch cow in the lot-in order that nothing might be left that could be used to support the soldiers of the Southern armies. Woodrow Wilson says: "Sherman traversed South Carolina in the opening months of 1865, ruthlessly destroying and burning as he went. * * * His terrible march through Georgia and the Carolinas was almost unprecedented in modern warfare for its pitiless and detailed rigor and thoroughness of destruction and devastation. It illustrated the same deliberate and business-like purpose of destroying utterly the power of the South that had shown itself in the refusal of the Federal government to exchange prisoners with the Confederacy." None save those who saw and suffered realize the condition of the people living in the track of Sherman's army in the spring of 1865.

In April the Southern armies surrendered. South Carolina, with a voting population in 1860 of 40,000, had furnished over 65,000 soldiers, including boys in their teens and gray-haired men in their sixties, to the armies of the Confederacy. The survivors, "heroes in gray, with hearts of gold," came straggling home, many of them afoot, and went to work cheerfully to make a living for their families and to restore the waste places-to build anew the commonwealth they loved so well-as loyal to their paroles as they had been to the cause of Southern independence.

These Southern soldiers and their sons and grandsons have been and are the leaders and the workers in all those movements through which, to use the words of Professor N. S. Shaler, of Harvard, "the economic condition has steadily and swiftly bettered, until at the present time (1904) the district which thirty-five years ago was the most impoverished ever occupied by an English people is perhaps the most prosperous of its fields."

Grant's magnanimous treatment of Lee and his faithful followers at Appomattox had moved the Southern heart to its lowest depths. The men of the South had fought well, had been overpowered, and were willing to shake hands and live in peace. Lincoln's kindness of heart and his zeal for the Union led many to hope that peaceful relations between the sections would soon be restored. "We must let 'em up easy" was his own quaint way of expressing, but a few days before his untimely death, his feelings towards the South and his views of the restoration of the seceded states.

Wade Hampton, a wise and skilful leader of his troops in war and of his people in peace, had hardly laid away his Confederate uniform before we hear his voice in Columbia, where the secession convention had met, pleading with his people to accept the situation resulting from the surrender, favoring fair treatment, including the education of the late slaves, and the gradual granting of the suffrage to the negro.

But, unfortunately for South Carolina, for the whole South and for our entire country, other views than those of Lincoln and Hampton were to prevail, other plans were to be pursued, and the "hell of reconstruction" had to be endured for twelve long years. This period, save in the one respect of the loss of human life, was infinitely more disastrous to the social, industrial and political conditions of South Carolina than the four years lying between the seizure of Fort Sumter and the surrender at Appomattox.

At the close of the war A. G. Magrath was governor. There was but the semblance of civil authority. The governor directed that all district and municipal officers should exercise their functions for the maintenance of peace and order. lie was so soon sent, as a prisoner, to Fort Pulaski, Savannah, that even the appearance of any power, save that of the army of the United States, was altogether wanting. There was no organized state government, no central civil authority, no militia, to which the people might look for the protection of life and property. The government of the United States, acting by its military officers, was in actual possession of the territory, and in actual control of the entire population of South Carolina. There was no trial by jury. The question of guilt or innocence was decided by the post commander, or the provost-marshal, or the provost court, or the military commission, according to the grade of the offense. There was harshness of administration, there was arbitrary use of power, there were instances of injustice, but all this recognized, it may now be conceded that the presence of the troops conduced to the maintenance of peace.

The garrisons were at first of white troops entirely. Soon came the negro soldiers, the use of which, essentially cruel, was likewise reckless in the extreme. These negro soldiers were commonly arrogant, frequently impertinent, sometimes insulting. They were even lawless, brutish, and in not a few instances, murderers.

To recall those days is like thinking of a horrible dream. When the novelist of to-day tells of the brutal conduct of those black troops, the young reader asks, in amazement, "Can such things be true?" When the actor shows, on the stage, the occurrences of that dark and troublous period, audiences are so moved that municipal authorities deem it wise to prohibit the exhibition. Yet no man then living disputes the truth of the novel or the drama.

President Andrew Johnson, a native of North Carolina, who had, when a young man, worked as a tailor in an up-country town of South Carolina, undertook the task of "reconstructing" the state, and seemed disposed to carry out the policy of President Lincoln. Public meetings were held in different sections. In these, resolutions were unanimously adopted expressing the earnest desire of the people for the reestablishment of civil government. Committees from these meetings went to Washington, laid before the President the condition of affairs, and asked him to appoint a "provisional governor." To this office B. F. Perry was appointed. This was a wise selection. Perry was a native of one of the mountain counties, had been all his life a "Union" man and an opponent of both nullification and secession. When South Carolina seceded, however, he went "with his state" and used his great influence with his followers to persuade them to enter the Confederate army. He accepted the appointment and immediately went to work upon the basis agreed upon by the President and other prominent Northern men for the reconstruction of the state. Increased confidence in the future was immediately felt all over the state. Governor Perry issued an ably written proclamation which was received with enthusiasm by all, and a hope of rescue from what seemed absolute ruin was fondly cherished. Civil government was restored; a convention of the people was called, and on Oct. 18, 1865, a governor and members of the legislature were elected.

James L. Orr was elected governor, receiving 9,928 votes. Wade Hampton received 9,185 votes, though he had positively refused to run, and had urged his friends all over the state not to vote for him. William D. Porter, of Charleston, was elected lieutenant-governor, receiving 15,072 votes.

The legislature, often locally spoken of as "the last white man's legislature,"-the last for whose members white men only were allowed to vote, was a truly representative body, and contained many of the ablest and most eminent men of the state, men who had been leaders of their own people in peace and in war; men who, a decade later, led their people out of reconstruction darkness into the unprecedented prosperity of the last thirty years.

From the people's dream there was a rude awakening. Some years had to pass before South Carolina could be called a state. The legislature, at the session of 1865, passed an act known as the "Black Code." It discriminated between whites and blacks as citizens; provided separate courts for the trial of all civil and criminal causes, and did not give the negroes the ballot nor the full right of citizenship equally with the whites. Whether this action of the legislature was used as a pretext, or whether Congress and the Northern people would have acted as they did anyway, a great change soon came over the political sky. The United States senators-elect, Benjamin F. Perry (long term) and John L. Manning (short term), and the members of Congress, John D. Kennedy, William Aiken, Samuel McGowan and James Farrow, elected Nov. 22, 1865, were not allowed to take their seats. (It is interesting to note, however, that in the proclamation from Wash-ington, dated Dec. 18, 1865, South Carolina was included in the necessary number of states which had ratified the Thirteenth amendment and thus made it a part of the Federal constitution).

A generation later Dr. Dunning, of Columbia University, in his Reconstruction-Political and Economic, in discussing the so-called "Black Code" uses these words:

"To a distrustful Northern mind such legislation could very easily take the form of a systematic attempt to relegate the freedman to a subjection only less complete than that from which the war had set them free. The radicals sounded a shrill note of alarm.* * * In Congress, Wilson, Sumner, and other extremists took up the cry, and with superfluous ingenuity distorted the spirit and purpose of both the law and the lawmakers of the South. The `black codes' were represented to be the expression of a deliberate purpose by the Southerners to nullify the results of the war and to reestablish slavery, and this impression gained wide prevalence in the North.

"Yet, as a matter of fact, this legislation, far from embodying any spirit of defiance toward the North, or any purpose to evade the conditions which the victors had imposed, was, in the main, a conscientious and straightforward attempt to bring some sort of order out of the social and economic chaos which a full acceptance of the results of the war and emancipation involved. In its general principle it corresponded very closely to the actual facts of the situation."

Military government was reestablished. Generals Sickles and Canby were, in the order named, the military governors. The latter, under authority of acts of Congress, ordered an election for delegates to a constitutional convention, to meet Jan. 14, 1868. This election was held Nov. 19-20, 1867, and resulted as follows: for the convention, 130 whites and 68,876 blacks; against the convention, 2,801. One hundred and twenty-four delegates were elected, and each was furnished a copy of General Canby's order which was "evidence of his having been elected a delegate to the aforesaid convention." Forty-eight delegates were white, seventy-six colored. The whites, classed as Republicans, were about equally divided as natives and newcomers-in the vernacular of the times "scallawags" and "carpetbaggers." The previous residences of twenty-three whites were given as South Carolina, nineteen other states, two England, one each Ireland, Prussia, Denmark, and one unknown. Fifty-nine negroes had previously resided in South Carolina; nine in eight different states, one in Dutch Guiana, and the previous residence of six was "unknown." The convention was in session two months, and framed a constitution, modeled after that of one of the great Northern states, that met the requirements of the "war amendments" of the Constitution of the United States; and that, with few amendments, was the constitution of the state for twenty-seven years -nineteen years after the whites resumed control of the state government.

For about three years (1865-68) the state was under a dual government-civil and military. The military, while dominant, permitted the civil government to have a form of life. Governor Orr was a man of ability. He, like Governor Perry, was a native of the "up-country," a graduate of the University of Virginia, lawyer and editor, thirteen years a member of the state legislature, ten years a member of Congress, elected Speaker of the House in 1857. While a firm believer in the right of secession, he opposed separate state action, and his influence in the Southern Rights convention, held in Charleston in 1851, probably prevented that body from passing the secession ordinance framed for its adoption. When South Carolina, nine years later, did secede, he raised a regiment of riflemen for the Confederate service which he commanded until 1862, when he was elected a member of the Confederate Congress. His position as governor was anomalous, regularly elected by the people, but permitted by the United States government to hold the place only as provisional governor until the state could be reconstructed after the "Congressional plan."

Under this plan the state had three governors -Robert K. Scott, an Ohio carpetbagger, who served two terms; Franklin J. Moses, Jr., "scallawag," licentiate and debauche, "the robber governor," the prince of thieves, and Daniel H. Chamberlain, a cultivated New Englander. James S. Pike, of Maine, a strong anti-slavery man before the war and a consistent Republican, visited South Carolina in 1873, and his remarkable book, The Prostrate State, was perhaps the first intimation to the northern mind of the doings of reconstruction leaders. After him came Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews, whose masterful pen pictures showed what crimes were being committed in the name of free government. Since these pioneers, historians and novelists have found South Carolina, between 1868 and 1876, a rich field for exploration. Let us look at a few of their "finds." In 1860 the state's taxable property, exclusive of the slaves, was $316,000,000, and the annual taxes $392,000. In 1871 the taxable property was $184,000,000, and the taxes $2,000,000. A public debt of less than $7,000,000 in 1868 had become, by the end of 1871, nearly $29,000,000 actual and contingent.

The state house was refurnished on this scale : $5 clocks were replaced by others costing $600; $4 looking-glasses by $600 mirrors; $2 window curtains by curtains costing from $600 to $1,500; $4 benches by $200 sofas; $1 chairs by $60 chairs; $4 tables by $80 tables; $10 desks by $175 desks; forty-cent spittoons by $14 cuspidors. Chandeliers were bought that cost $1,500 to $2,500 each. Each legislator was provided with Webster's Unabridged Dictionary, a $25 calendar inkstand, $10 gold pen. Railroad passes and free use of the Western Union Telegraph were perquisites. As "committee rooms" forty bedrooms were furnished each session, and the legislators going home carried with them the furniture. At restaurant and bar, open day and night in the state house, legislators refreshed themselves and friends at state expense with delicacies, wines, liquors and cigars, stuffing their pockets with the last. F. J. Moses, Jr., Speaker of the House, lost $1,000 on a horse race, and on the next day the House voted him $1,000 as a "gratuity."

"Bills made by officials and legislators and paid by the state reveal a queer medley! Costly liquors, wines, cigars, baskets of champagne, hams, oysters, rice, flour, lard, coffee, tea, sugar, suspenders, linen-bosom shirts, cravats, collars, gloves (masculine and feminine, by the box), perfumes, bustles, corsets, palpitators, embroidered flannel, ginghams, silks, velvets, stockings, chignons, chemises, gowns, garters, fans, gold watches and chains, diamond fingerrings and ear-rings, Russia leather workboxes, hats, bonnets; in short, every article of furniture and house furnishing from a full parlor set to a baby's swinging cradle, not omitting a $100 metallic coffin." - Avary.

There lies on the writer's desk a photograph group of sixty-three members of the "reconstructed" legislature of South Carolina-fifty negroes, or mulattoes, and thirteen white men. Twenty-two could read and write, forty-one "made their mark" in place of signing their names, forty-four paid no taxes, nineteen were taxpayers to an aggregate of $146.10.

The reader wonders why South Carolinians submitted. The reason is respect for and fear of the government at Washington. Why President Grant and those associated with him in authority gave moral and physical support so long-the two terms of Grant's presidency-to such men and such measures is a marvel alike to those who read of and those who remember the dark days of Reconstruction.

The election to the bench of Whipper (negro) and Moses (renegade white) roused the entire state. Governor Chamberlain, their political associate, refused to sign their commissions. The Democrats nominated Wade Hampton for governor and a full state ticket. Then came the memorable "Red shirt campaign" of 1876. "Hampton or Military Rule" was the deep-seated determination of the entire white population. Hampton won by a small majority. The Republicans refused to submit. Then came the "dual government," with its awful suspenses, for about five months. President Hayes, very soon after his inauguration, withdrew the Federal troops from the state house. Chamberlain's so-called government immediately collapsed, and Carolinians once more ruled Carolina.

New Social Conditions.

"De bottom rail's on de top, now, and we's gwine to keep it dar," was a favorite expression of negro leaders during the time of their political supremacy. The first statement is an accurate description. Never in the history of any people had such a social earthquake occurred. The opening of the year found the negroes in slavery not only contented, but happy, loyal to their masters, taking no thought for the morrow. Within a few months they were free, and, so far as man's laws and garrisons of conquerors could make them, citizens of the country, superiors of their late masters, many of whom were disfranchised. Negroes were then taught by designing leaders that they were as good as white men, entitled to sit in the white man's parlor, to take to wife the white man's daughter. Thus the wind was sown. To this day our country has been reaping the whirlwind. The negro rapist, the black brute, fear of whom hangs like a dark cloud all over the south land-who is in latter days found and lynched-in states beyond the limits of the late Confederacy, is a direct product of the teachings and practices of the days of reconstruction. The crime against womanhood, and the awful vengeance that swiftly follows in short, rape and lynching-make one of our new social conditions.

Another is the growth of towns and cities at expense of the farms and the country homes. The reasons usually assigned for such removals are protection of wives and daughters, better school facilities for the children, improved church privileges and more social intercourse. The general results are of doubtful benefit. Country schools and churches are weakened, and the soil is not so well cultivated by the tenant, white or black, as it was when the soil-owner lived on his farm.

The growth of the mill village is another phase of this question. About one-fifth of the entire white population of the state is now found in these mill villages. Nearly all these villagers went from the farms of the state. These people live in good houses which are well furnished, dress well, live well, not to say extravagantly, work sixty hours a week, seem to enjoy life, and, as a rule, save very little of their earnings. There is always some moving to and fro, families going from one mill to another, or from the mill back to the farm, or vice versa. It is the pay envelope regularly, the "cash consideration" that carries the family, especially the family with large numbers of girl children, from the cotton farm to the cotton factory. Too often such moves take the head of the family off the list of workers and enroll him as a gentleman of leisure. One curious feature of this mill life is that the people soon form a sort of caste; they will not send their children to any school but the school in the mill village, and even when city churches of their own denomination are in easy reach, they insist upon a separate building - a mill church for mill people.

Social conditions are, as yet, but little affected by labor organizations. The railroad men, machinists, carpenters, telegraph operators, and others have their organizations, which are well managed and which produce little or no friction. So far as the writer is informed, there are no "unions" of farm or factory laborers. Farmers' unions are being organized throughout the state and now claim an aggregate membership of 35,000.

South Carolina's position is unique as to marriage and divorce laws. No marriage license and no record of marriage is required, and the constitution declares: "Divorces from the bonds of matrimony shall not be allowed in this state." It is a common saying in South Carolina that it is easy to get married and impossible to secure a divorce. The state constitution fixes the age of consent at fourteen, and gives married women the same rights of property and of business contract as men and unmarried women. The abolition of the saloon, or "bar-room" as here commonly called, and state control of the liquor business brought on a new social condition. The state dispensary, which on account of its being mixed up with bitter partisan politics never received a fair test, was, on account of what seems a well-founded suspicion of mismanagement, recently abolished, and the liquor business is now entirely under the control of each county, which may, by popular vote, choose for itself between prohibition and the county-dispensary sale of liquor. Nearly half the counties are "dry." Drunkenness and its attendant crimes have largely decreased, and prohibition is steadily gaining ground.

Very few of the people now living in the state were born beyond its limits. The social life of the state has been very little affected by immigration. Efforts to induce Europeans to make their homes in South Carolina have been made under the auspices of a department of the state government, but with very little success. The probable need of more labor in the mills and on the soil, and the relief from the threatened dangers of a large negro majority by bringing in more white people, seem to make little impression on the deep-rooted and widespread opposition to European immigration.

The state has probably lost less in recent years by emigration than at any time in its history. In colonial days many Carolinians moved across the Savannah River and settled in Georgia. The extent of this emigration is not generally recognized. "From 1820 to 1860 South Carolina was a bee-hive from which swarms were continually going forth to populate the newer cotton-growing states of the Southwest." These Carolinians, like all Americans, generally moved directly westward, and they and their descendants are found to-day in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas. In 1860 two-fifths of the people born in South Carolina, and in 1870 one-third, were living in other states, mainly in those just named.

New Industries.

In considering new industries within the period under review, phosphate mining and the manufacture of fertilizers are the first to claim our attention. The commercial value of the phosphate was established in 1868, and the mining began the year following. The annual yield steadily increased until 1883, when it reached a total of 355,333 tons, valued at $2,190,000. Since then this industry has declined, owing to the discovery of new mines in Tennessee and Florida and their operation at a lower cost of production.

Twenty-six years ago there were twenty-five fertilizer factories, chiefly small ones, in the state. This business has grown immensely, and Charleston is the seat of this industry in America.

The cotton-seed industry is another that has developed within this generation. Men now living remember when cotton-seed were considered worthless except for planting purposes; when the farmers would as soon think of hauling home from the sawmill the sawdust from his logs as carrying away from the gin the seed of his cotton. Less than thirty years ago seed sold for ten and twelve cents a bushel, and were used almost entirely for manure. There was not an oil mill in the state. In 1882 there were three mills whose combined capacity was 20,000 tons of seed a year. Now there are 106 mills, using about 40 per cent. of the half million tons of cottonseed annually grown in the state, and whose products of crude oil, meal and cakes, hulls and linters are worth $5,000,000. It is difficult even for a native to realize the remarkable development of the cottonseed industry.

While these two may claim leading places as new industries, others are found in various sections of the state, some of them the only ones of their kind in the South, such as loom and harness works, knitting mills, bleacheries, shuttle and bobbin factory, sawmills, table damask factories, woolen blanket mill, tanneries, lime plants, telephone factory, carriage and wagon shops, clay ware plants, flour and grist mills, glass factory, canning and preserving establishments, veneer factory, boat ore factory and pickle factory. The small industries are just beginning to receive attention and developments at a rapid rate may be expected with confidence.

The "power" used in any community is a sure indication of its manufacturing interests and their growth. Within the last decade of the Nineteenth century South Carolina's use of steam power showed the remarkable increase of 178 per cent., and an increase of 95 per cent. is the record of the first five years of the current century. The figures for electric power used are, in the year 1890, eight horsepower, ten years later 6,061 horse-power, five years afterwards 32,162 horse-power. Power companies are developing the shoals on all the streams of the hill country and transmitting electricity to all points that need it, and are in reach in some instances seventy miles away. The increasing use of water power is shown by the following figures at intervals of ten years, beginning in 1870: 10,000, 14,000, 16,000, 28,000, and (in five years) 31,000.

The cotton mill industry is not new in South Carolina. Its history there reads like a romance. As early as 1816 some New Englanders came to the foothills of the Blue Ridge and laid the foundations of the great factory interests of that section. To tell of their early efforts to make "cotton thread," and to speak of the retarding influences that delayed the growth of the enterprises for half a century and more, would carry us far afield and beyond the limits of this paper.

South Carolina leads the Southern states in cotton manufacturing, and is surpassed by but one state in the Union-Massachusetts. The Cotton Mills of South Carolina, by August Kohn, of Columbia, is a masterful work, and is most cordially commended to all readers who may be interested in the subject. In 1870 there were twelve cotton mills in South Carolina, with 35,000 spindles, consuming 5 per cent. of the crop of the state. Thirty-three years later the mills numbered 136 with 2,500,000 spindles, and consumed 600,000 bales of cotton-64 per cent. of the entire crop of the state.

The latest statistics available (1907) give these items of the textile industry of the state: number of establishments, 179; of corporations, 159; capital invested, $104,000,000; number of spindles, 3,600,000; 90,000 looms; 750,000 bales of cotton consumed annually; value of annual product, $75,000,000; 55,000 employees.

Mill village population, 120,000; 8,000 children under sixteen employed in the mills, and 36,000 others residing in the villages.

The success of these mills has been marvelous. They are managed by home talent. The operatives are natives and are all white people. Negroes have been tried as mill "hands" and found dismal failures. They cannot be depended upon for regular, constant work is the verdict of successful mill managers who have made the experiment.

Agriculture has always been, is now, and will continue to be the leading industry of our people. The average size of farms is ninety acres, one-sixth what it was sixty years ago. The state's acreage in all crops is 4,750,000. The farmers expend $29 per acre for fertilizers, the average for the United States being $9. The number of farms operated in the state is a little over 155,000, of which 60,000 are operated by owners, 57,000 by cash tenants, and 38,000 by share tenants.

This system of working the land for a share of the crop grown on the land was inaugurated very soon after the surrender of the Southern armies,. Lincoln, in his emancipation proclamation, had advised the negroes to work for their late owners for reasonable compensation. The garrison commanders, in their endeavors to readjust affairs, to prevent the negroes from leaving the plantations, used their influence to have labor contracts made, and nearly all such contracts were on the basis of a division of the crop, the laborer receiving one-third of the crop for his services in its cultivation. There was some opposition to such an arrangement on the part of the landowners, and a few disdained to "go into partnership with a nigger" to have their paternal acres cultivated. The custom, however, became general and is largely followed to this day. Many of the most successful farmers declare that this plan of farming-the crop being planted, worked, gathered and marketed under the landlord's direction, and the laborer receiving a share of the crop, not "money wages," as compensation for his labor-is the method most beneficial and most satisfactory to both parties. The political economist will note that in the cotton fields of this state, this form of profit-sharing has been in successful operation for over forty years, and is steadily growing in popular favor.

Recently the Economic Association of Manchester, England, sent an agent through the South to examine into the condition of cotton-growing and the development of other crops. He was an unbiased observer, and this extract from his report may be considered a fair verdict:

"I find that the best farmers, the most systematic and by far the most thrifty and economical administration of the farm are unquestionably to be found in South Carolina. Here the cultivation of the soil is regarded as a life-time pursuit, and in the majority of instances I have found the farmer, whether landlord or tenant, a close student of the branches of science which enable him to know the wants of the soil, and the proper means of supplying these wants. The Clemson Agricultural College has been a real blessing to the farmers of South Carolina. Under its tutorage young men have discovered that the cultivation of the soil is the noblest and by far the most prolific occupation they can enjoy."

The secretary of agriculture of the United States, Mr. James Wilson, after traversing South Carolina from the Atlantic to the Blue Ridge, remarked: "No section of the world offers such inducements for diversified farming," and he predicted a future for the section such as has not been witnessed before in this country.

The state claims to lead the world in the following respects: as a grower of cabbages. (there is a farm of 1,000 acres near Charleston, whose owner-in 1891 a poor man working for small wages-now spends $110,000 a year in the cultivation of his cabbage crop); as a shipper of cabbage plants (one party, on one of the islands near Charleston, ships a hundred carloads-100,000,000-of cabbage plants a year) ; as a pecan grower (one man owning three groves, one of 600 acres, and two smaller of 10,000 trees each, with an annual production of ten tons) ; in the quality of its sea-island cotton, and in the yield, per acre, of upland cotton, four bales; of corn, as demonstrated in world contests; of rice and of oats.

South Carolina in recent years has won the place of leader among the states of the Union in the yield per acre of corn, oats, rice and cotton; in the production of tea, possessing the only commercial teagardens in America, and claims leadership in the cheapness of the cost of living and in climatic conditions, which are equalled only by those of southern France.

The Palmetto state, of whose part in the Revolution Bancroft wrote: "Left mainly to her own resources, it was through the depths of wretchedness that her sons were to bring her back to her place in the republic after suffering more, daring more and achieving more than the men of any other state"; the state that led in secession, and whose sons, after four years of service on the battlefield, stood "without a regret for the past, without fear for the future, facing the world and fate"-this little state contends that after ten times four years of industrial development, taking up new industries and trying new methods in those that were old, she leads the Southern states in textile manufacturing; in production of corn, oats, rice and cotton per acre; in value and yield of hay, per ton ; in water power, developed and undeveloped; in cheapness of cost of living; in production of gold and tin; in production of kaolin; in climatic conditions; in variety of opportunities for the home-seeker; in rapidity of industrial development; in the manufacture of fertilizers; in harbor facilities, depth of water on bar and accessibility considered; in rapidity of development of trucking industry; in extent of cheese manufacturing; in size of bleachery; in the strength of her granite; in the manufacture of paper pulp, and in the welfare work in her cotton manufacturing districts.

And, best of all, her people are throwing their hearts into and mixing their brains with their work as never before, and feel they are just beginning to develop their wondrous resources.

New Political Conditions (Constitutions).

Under this topic three conventions claim consideration : first, that of 1865, called by B. F. Perry, provisional governor, by direction of President Johnson, and composed of delegates chosen by people "loyal to the United States," who had taken the oath of amnesty, "to restore the state to its constitutional relations to the Federal government"; second, that of 1868, called by General Canby, U. S. A., which met in Charleston, January 14, that year, "to frame a constitution and civil government"; and third, the convention of 1895, called by the General Assembly of the state.

The average citizen or reader of history cares little for details of constitution-making and constitutions. Those who are concerned usually prefer to study original documents and get their information at first hand. The constitution of 1865 seems not to have received the attentive study of its make-up and proceedings that their importance demanded. In these we see the attitude of the leaders of the state toward the new conditions consequent upon the collapse of the Confederacy. The meaning may be made clear by a reference to the Tilden-Hayes controversy of 1877: "Benjamin H. Hill consulted with a number of ex-Confederates, all members of the House, with the result that forty-two of them solemnly pledged themselves to each other upon their sacred honor to oppose all attempts to frustrate the counting of the votes for President, `as they did not propose to permit a second civil war if their votes could prevent it.' "The stand of these "Rebel-Brigadiers" and speaker Randall's firmness ensured a peaceable solution of the perplexing problems of that period. Had such natural leaders been allowed to lead their people in South Carolina and her sister states in the spring of 1865, there would have been no "horrors and suffering" of Reconstruction times, and the chapters that tell of those times, the darkest on the records of American history, would never have been written.

The writer of this sketch heartily recommends two books: Reconstruction in South Carolina, 1865-67, by John S. Reynolds, librarian of the state supreme court, and Dixie After the War, by Mrs. Myrta Lockett Avary, the brilliant Virginia author. The one book gives the results of careful research by a trained lawyer in a style acquired by long years of service in the highest state court; the other presents in graphic pen pictures a panorama true to life of Southern people and their surroundings.

The convention of 1865 met September 13, in Columbia, in the Plain Street Baptist Church, the same building in which the secession convention had held its first sessions, and went to work to frame a constitution and to enact such ordinances as were necessary to put the state government in operation till the meeting of the legislature. The constitution contained provisions intended to meet new conditions induced not only by the failure of secession and the destruction of slavery, but by changes in the social and political relations of the different communities making up the new body politic. Slavery was prohibited forever and voting qualifications were fixed; the election of governor and lieutenant-governor was transferred from the legislature to the people, and the "Parish System," whereby six low country districts (i. e., counties) had twenty-two out of forty-five state senators and fiftyfive representatives out of a total of 124, was abolished by a vote of eleven to one.

This white-man-made constitution contained but one reference to the negro race, that directing the General Assembly to provide for a system of inferior courts, known as the District (i. e., county) courts, to have jurisdiction of all civil cases in which one or both parties were negroes, and of all criminal cases where the accused were persons of color.

The convention appointed a commission of two of its ablest members to prepare and submit to the legislature a "code for the regulation of labor and the protection and government of the colored population of the state." Neither the Thirteenth, Fourteenth nor Fifteenth amendment of the Constitution of the United States, it will be remembered, had yet become a part of the fundamental law of the land.

The plan of Thad Stevens prevailed over that of Abraham Lincoln, and confusion became worse confounded.

Reference has already been made to the congress-directed, military-ordered and negro-chosen convention of 1868. The policy, temper and ideas of this body may be judged by some of its proceedings as follows: A Charleston newspaper was violently denounced and its reporters were excluded from the hall, this on motion of D. H. Chamberlain. A negro member (Nash, of Richland county) offered a resolution to tax uncultivated lands higher than those under cultivation. Congress was requested to lend $1,000,000 to buy lands to be resold on long time to persons in South Carolina. An attempt was made to reform the vocabulary of South Carolina by expunging therefrom the words "negro," "nigger" and "Yankee," making the opprobrious use of any of those terms a misdemeanor, punishable by fine and imprisonment. The district commander, General Canby, commonly called "the satrap" by the Carolinians of that time, in accordance with a resolution adopted by the convention, issued an order of a further stay, for three months, of all executions and all sales of property for any debt whatever.

By ordinance, contracts made for the purchase of slaves were declared void, and the courts were prohibited from issuing processes for their collection. General Canby was requested to issue an order to enforce this ordinance, but he forbore to act in the premises. On motion of D. H. Chamberlain, afterwards governor, and sometimes called "the best," "the brainiest," and the "most honest" of all the reconstruction governors, General Canby was requested to abolish the district courts, dismiss their judges and declare vacant all offices incident to such courts, but on this request General Canby took no action. Congress was requested to donate to the state, for distribution among the freedman, the land which had been sold for non-payment of the direct tax, the value of such lands being estimated at $700,000. A commission was appointed to frame and submit to the legislature a scheme of "financial relief" for the people of the state. The cost of the session of the convention, which adjourned March 18, after working fifty-three days, was about $110,000.

The new constitution, as the reader may readily suppose, contained many provisions radically different from those of the constitution of 1865. The paramount allegiance of the citizen was declared to be to the constitution and government of the United States, and all oaths of officials acknowledged that allegiance. Imprisonment for debt was abolished, and a homestead exemption of $1,000 in lands and $500 in personality was allowed to the head of every family. Representation was apportioned according to population only. The names of judicial subdivisions were changed from "districts" to counties. Presidential electors were required to be elected by the people. It was required that "all the public schools, colleges and universities of this state, supported in whole or in part by the public funds, shall be free and open to all children of this state, without regard to race or color." Courts were permitted to grant divorces. This constitution, strange as it may appear, was allowed to remain the fundamental law of the state for nearly twenty years after the "restoration of home rule"-after the whites resumed control of the government. There were some amendments, and some provisions were ignored, and others evaded.

The convention of 1895 was a representative body. The calling of this convention was one of the principal events following the success of that political and social revolution known as the "Farmers' Movement of 1890," of which B. R. Tillman was the leader. This convention was primarily for the purpose of readjusting the franchise in such a manner as to eliminate the ignorant vote through legal means, by requiring an educational and a property qualification, which had the desired effect.

Perhaps the most remarkable new political condition in South Carolina is the method of nominating all officers, state and federal, from coroner to United States senator, by a direct primary election known as the "Democratic primary," but designed to be a white-man's primary. In these primaries the white voters express their choice of measures and officials, and the general or regular elections are little more than formal approval of what has been decided upon weeks beforehand by a majority of the white men of the state, over twenty-one years of age, whether "registered" (that is, legal) voters or not.

Thus the state, once the most aristocratic in the Union, leaving the least power in the hands of the voter, has now become the most democratic, giving the most power to its citizens (white) to be used at the ballot box. The last three governors furnish a striking illustration of how this "primary election" works. The present governor is the son of a German immigrant; the last governor was a member of one of the old families prominent in affairs from colonial days, and his immediate predecessor was an Irish boy in the Orphan Home at Charleston, who learned the printers' trade, went from the printing office to the governor's mansion, and at the expiration of his term went back to the editor's desk and the printing press, saying, with pardonable pride, that had he not been a printer he would never have been governor.

Educational Advance.

Along no other line of progress has South Carolina advanced more rapidly in the past thirty-three years than along the line of her educational interests. Perhaps the most marked change in the opinions and practices of her people is that concerning the education of the children in free public schools -"schools good enough for the richest and cheap enough for the poorest."

The story of the schools and of the training of the youth in colonial days, both proprietary and royal, in the time of her statehood before entering the Union (1776-1789), while she was one of the sisterhood of states (1790-1860), and during her brief existence as a state of the Confederacy (1861-1865) is one of thrilling interest and rich in lessons of suggestions.

The limits of this paper and the dates assigned both forbid our taking up that story. The antebellum system of schools, if system it may be called, supported by the state, bore but little fruit, despite frequent recommendations by governors, reports of commissions and legislative appropriations of public funds. Some reasons for this little fruit may have been that the white population living on plantations and farms was widely scattered; that the better class would not patronize the schools, which were regarded as pauper institutions, close akin to the almshouse or district (county) poor house; and that many private schools sprung up on every hand and the people did not feel the need of the free schools.

In 1868 a new constitution was adopted. Old forms of government, the courts and long cherished institutions were changed. A new system of state instruction for rich and poor alike supplanted the old system of private institutions for tuition-paying pupils. Here was the real beginning of the public school system, which to-day occupies a most prominent place in the mind of the people and in legislation. Provisions were made for three sources of revenue: first, an annual appropriation by the legislature; second, poll-tax, and third, a voluntary local tax. The system was good enough in theory, but in practice proved a failure, owing to the ignorance and dishonesty of many of the officials charged with its management. The first state superintendent of education was elected in 1868. He was J. K. Jillson, a carpet-bagger, who served eight years and who repeatedly made public and official complaints of the diversion of school funds to other purposes, and in his last report for 1876 called attention to an aggregate deficiency of almost $300,000. It is but simple justice to the memory of this official, and to the truth of history, to say that no suggestion of suspicion was ever breathed against his personal or official integrity, and that a thorough investigation of the records of his office by his successors showed no indication of any mismanagement.

The Republican legislature of 1874-76 proposed an amendment to the constitution fixing an annual free public school tax of two mills on the dollar's worth of property as assessed for taxation. This amendment, earnestly advocated by Governor Hampton in his public addresses during the memorable campaign of 1876, was approved by the people by a vote of twenty-five to one in the election that year. Yet when, a few weeks later, the proposed amendment came for ratification before the legislature chosen at the same election, all Governor Hampton's great personal and official influence was necessary to prevent its rejection, so strong even then was the prejudice against free schools-a prejudice brought over from ante-bellum times, and at that time intensified by the fact that these schools were of Reconstruction origin and came from a regime then and now "a stench in the nostrils of decent people."

It may be worthy of note here that when the constitutional convention of 1895 took up the school question this fixed tax was increased 50 per cent., from two mills to three, with little or no opposition.

A few figures will show the growth of the public schools:

                                                                              1869-70      1906-07
School population                                                    168,819       511,896
Enrollment                                                                28,409       314,399
Average attendance                                                   23,441       222,189
Teachers                                                                       528          6,228
Number of days                                                               80               96
Number of schools                                                         630          4,995
Salaries paid teachers                                              857,321  $1,415,725
Total expenditures                                                    $77,949  $1,853,572

In the eighties and nineties educational thought and action turned towards "graded schools," as they were and still are called. The name is somewhat misleading. The underlying idea was not the grading of the pupils, but more money for and longer terms of the schools. Many cities, towns, and even villages in thickly settled communities voted a local supplementary school tax upon themselves, only property-holders voting, in most cases being compelled to secure from the legislature, by special act, permission to hold such elections. In many instances the opposition was active, and occasionally the graded school proposition was defeated. But these schools steadily grew in favor; new and modern school buildings were erected, and to-day the town without its well-equipped school, or system of schools, is the exception.

The student of civics is interested in tracing the resemblance of these school meetings to the township meetings of New England. For the improvement of the teachers, "Teachers' Meetings" in the cities, and normal institutes (of late years known as summer schools) in the county, district (several counties combined), and state were organized. The Winthrop Normal and Industrial College at Rock Hill provides instruction in the science of teaching for young ladies, while young men secure such instruction at the State University in Columbia.

Within the last two years the state department of education has worked out a plan for high schools which, endorsed by the state teachers' association, has been favorably considered by the General Assembly. The State University has added to its courses a department of secondary instruction, and its professor in charge of this department is actively engaged in traveling over the state, urging and assisting in the establishment of high schools.

Domestic science is being introduced into the schools, even in some of the most conservative. A new feature-farm demonstration work-under the auspices of the United States Department of Agriculture, is now being added to well-known schools, one at the old home of General Sumter, another at the old home of ex-Governor Hammond.

The colleges of South Carolina are commonly classified as denominational and state institutions. The leading denominations, within a period of twenty years immediately preceding the great struggle of the sixties, had organized colleges under their respective control. All these - Erskine (Associate Reformed Presbyterian, 1839) at Due West; Furman University (Baptist, 1850) at Greenville; Wofford (Methodist, 1851) at Spartansburg, and Newberry (Lutheran, 1858) at Newberry - have continued in successful operation during the period of this study, broadening their curricula, erecting new buildings, enlarging their faculties, increasing their attendance of students, and annually enriching the spiritual, moral, intellectual, professional, industrial, commercial and domestic life of the commonwealth. No denominational college has died in South Carolina. In no state of our Union have church colleges exerted a greater influence.

Nor have the churches been unmindful of the claims of their daughters. The Due West Female College, The Greenville Female College, Chicora College, Converse College, Lauder College (formerly Williamston), Columbia College, Presbyterian College for Women, The Limestone College and Leesville College (coeducational) are all doing good work and growing in public favor. The older state institutions, The South Carolina College (now University) at Columbia, founded in 1801, and the South Carolina Military Academy (popularly known as the Citadel) at Charleston, founded in 1842, are still in successful operation.

Clemson College, at the old farm home of John C. Calhoun (agricultural, mechanical and textile), and Winthrop at Rock Hill (normal and industrial), furnish opportunities for that industrial training of the young men and young women which is demanded by this industrial age. These twin institutions, monuments, more enduring than brass, of the work of Benjamin Ryan Tillman, though enlarged more than once, are unable to accommodate the hundreds of boys and girls, mainly children of the industrial classes, who clamor for admission. Their doors were thrown open for students fifteen years ago, Clemson in 1893, Winthrop in 1884.

BIBLIOGRAPHY. - Andrews, Elisha Benjamin: History of the last Quarter Century in the United States; Avary, Mrs. Myrta Lockett: Dixie after the War; an Exposition of Social Conditions existing in the South during the Twelve Years Succeeding the Fall of Richmond; Dunning, William Archibald: Reconstruction, Political and Economic, 1865-1877; Kohn, August: Cotton Mills of South Carolina: a series of observations and facts; Pike, James S.: Prostrate State-South Carolina under Negro Government; Reynolds, John Schreiner: Reconstruction in South Carolina, 1865-1877; Rhodes, James Ford: History of United States from the Compromise of 1850; Watson, E. J.: Handbook of South Carolina; Wilson, Woodrow: Division and Reunion, 1827-1889.

WILLIAM SHANNON MORRISON,
Professor of History and Political Economy, Clemson College.


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