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THE BLACK WATCH
“Who so trim as a kilted laddie?
Tight his gear, and light his adorning,
With only a buckle his breast to fasten
When he leaps to his feet in the morning.
—Mac Mhaighstir A Ulstairt tr. by D. Mitchell.
ALTHOUGH the brilliant
campaigns of Montrose and Dundee must have taught the imperial
government that within the Highland line there | were the ready
materials for almost indefinitely increasing the military strength of
the nation, yet it is strange that for long after no attempt was made to
enlist the Highlanders in the service of the country, but they remained,
as they had been for ages, a source of weakness and disquietude to it
Government after government followed the vicious practice of arraying
one clan against another, and so endeavouring to neutralize their
warlike propensities, instead of taking advantage of them for the
national well-being.
The plan, far from accomplishing the object in view, bred feuds and
quarrels which kept neighbouring districts continually under arms to
repel each other’s incursions. Thus forced to the practice of arms by
the necessities of the circumstances imposed upon them by the
Government, and experiencing no security for the fruition of the labour
of their hands in industrial employments, the Highlanders consigned
these employments to the females, the aged, and the infirm, and soon
came to account them unworthy of the attention of any other. Moreover, a
raid into the Lowlands, accomplished in a few days, generally brought
more gain to the tribe than the produce of the previous twelve months’
labour in their native glens. Thus, not only were habits of peaceful
industry discouraged, but a predatory disposition was fostered, which
gave no little trouble to the Government, and did much to retard the
progress of agriculture in the neighbouring Lowlands. In the
insurrections under Montrose, Dundee, Mar, and to no small extent in
that also under the Chevalier, whatever may have been the impelling
motives in the minds of the chiefs, there can be little doubt that, to
most of their followers, the great charm of the risings lay in the
prospect of an irresistible descent on the low country, and consequently
an easily acquired and rich booty. Who was king in London was a matter
of perfect indifference to the common Highlander; his duty was to his
chief, and he would follow him as in duty bound; and when by doing so he
brought himself personal profit, he embarked in the enterprise with
unusual ardour. Even allegiance to the chief had to give way to the
desire for booty. No sooner was a victory achieved than the Highlanders
dispersed to deposit in their families whatever spoils they had
obtained; and this practice the heads of the clans were seldom able to
restrain. Montrose soon perceived that he must adapt his warfare to it,
and hence the fruitlessness of his victories, and the ultimate failure
of his undertaking. In fact, a victory was more certain to disperse a
Highland army than a defeat No doubt they would very soon rally again,
with whetted appetites for renewed hostilities; but it would have been
an easier matter to have kept the Highlanders together after Culloden
than after Kilsyth or Killiecrankie.
The idea of forming a regiment out of the military elements thus running
to waste in the Highlands seems to have first occurred to that wise and
good man. President Forbes, who communicated his plan to the Government
of George I. about the year 1725. It was not, however, till 1730 that
any steps were taken to carry the suggestion into effect; and even then
the only service contemplated for the new corps was the suppression of
cattle-lifting and clan raids.
For this purpose, six independent companies of 100 men each were
enrolled, and stationed at suitable posts throughout the Highlands.
Every man, whether serving as a common soldier or as an officer, was
both by birth and education a gentleman. For some years the service was
highly popular, the different clans vying with each other who should
contribute the tallest and handsomest men, always duine-uasals, or
cadets of their principal families. In this manner was formed the
celebrated Black Watch, or Am Freiceadan Dubhy1 and a finer body of men
has seldom, if ever, appeared under arms.
But it was not till 1739 that the companies were formed into a regiment
Hitherto, they had acted quite independently of each other, and under
the command of officers to whom they owed clan allegiance. A difficulty,
however, arose when it was proposed to enrol them into one body; for,
should the command be given to any Highland chief, it was evident that
the others who had previously shared co-ordinate power and rank with him
would become jealous of his preferment, and the worst consequences might
ensue. On the other hand, should the Government select a nobleman
unconnected with the Highlands, it was equally certain that the
enthusiasm hitherto displayed would be cooled, if indeed it would be
possible to raise the required number and quality of men. To avoid as
far as possible both risks, His Majesty’s commission, for the purpose of
embodying in one regiment the six old companies with four new ones, was
granted to John, Earl of Crawford, and Lord of Lindsay. The choice was a
happy one, for the Earl, though a Lowland peer, was not without Highland
connection.
A lady of his house had shortly before formed a matrimonial alliance
with the heir to the proud title of “ the Lord of the Isles,” under
circumstances which had won the hearts of the Highlanders, before they
became the subject of the once popular song—
“Will ye gang to the
Highlands, Leeiie Lindsay?
Will ye gang to the Highlands wi’ me?
Will ye gang to the Highlands, Leesie Lindsay
My pride, and my darling to be?
O! ye are the fairest young maiden,
The pride o’ the Lowland conntrie.
Will ye gang to the Highlands, Leesie Lindsay,
My pride, and my darling to be?
I'll gie ye my hand, Leesie Lindsay,
And a true heart that lo’es only thee,
Gin ye’ll gang to the Highlands, Leesie Lindsay,
My pride, and my darling to be.
She has put on a gown o’ green satin,
And a happy young bride is she;
And she is aff wi’ Lord Ronald Macdonald,
His pride, and his darling to be.”
Through this connection
the Earl had become known to most of the western chiefs, as he already
was to many of the eastern; and, being a man of affable manners and a
sprightly disposition, he was much esteemed by both. He had spent his
boyhood in the Highlands and knew the Gaelic language. He was besides
possessed of other accomplishments that rendered him popular. An expert
in all Highland games and pastimes, he was accounted one of the best
dancers of his day of the Gillie Callum and Mac an 9orsair. Under the
auspices of such a favourite, the new levy was speedily effected. As an
instance of the eagerness with which the service was desired, may be
mentioned the case of Peter Wright.
Peter, who was a native of the Braes of Cromar, had caught the military
mania of the time, and on applying to Mr. Gordon of Blelack to obtain
for him the much coveted post of a private in the Black Watch, received
from him a letter of recommendation to Major Grant of Ballindalloch, who
had been entrusted with the enlistments in the Eastern Highlands. With
this letter Peter soon presented himself on the banks of the Spey, in
high hopes of being permitted to don the scarlet jacket, tartan plaid of
twelve yards in length, with dirk and pistols at the belt But, on being
put under the gauge, it was found that notwithstanding all his
stretching he fell short by one-fourth of an inch of the required
height, and was dismissed as unqualified. As he turned away from
Ballindalloch House to retrace his steps to his native Cromar, he was
observed by the major to be wiping off with his coat sleeve the tears
that were coursing fast and heavy down his cheeks. Thereupon a servant
was despatched to bring him back. On presenting himself again before the
major, with the furrows of sorrow still fresh on his countenance, he was
greeted with the welcome words, “Cheer up, Peter, my man; if ye want a
quarter of an inch in height, ye make up for it in spirit. We’ll let ye
on.”
Peter afterwards served in Flanders, with what distinction is not known;
but after his time had expired, he returned to Deeside, and as he was a
man who had seen something of the world, was appointed to superintend a
body of workmen employed on the commutation roads of the county. It is
said that, infected with the Continental idea of favouring grenadiers,
he paid the men, not in proportion to the work done, but to the supposed
expense of each man’s maintenance, estimated according to his physical
dimensions. The small men complained, but it is not recorded that Peter
therefore altered his rule.
When the four new companies of the Black Watch were enlisted, thus
raising its effective strength to 1000 men, the whole were marched into
England, under pretence of being reviewed by the king, but in reality
for the purpose of being sent to Flanders to serve in the war against
the French. On learning the deception that had been practised upon them,
a considerable body attempted to force their way back to the Highlands;
but, when about a hundred miles of the journey had been accomplished,
they were surrounded by a royal force, and compelled to submit The rest
of the regiment were immediately afterwards transferred to the seat of
war under the number of the 43rd Regiment of the line; but the party
which had mutinied were tried by court-martial, found guilty, and
condemned to death. Only three, however, suffered the extreme penalty of
their rash act These were Malcolm and Samuel MacPherson, and Farquhar
Shaw, who had been chosen leaders, and were men of remarkable size and
handsome figure. Shaw was connected with Deeside, the other two were
Badenoch men. On the parade ground within the Tower of London they met
their fate with composure and dignity, the whole company of their fellow
prisoners joining in their prayers, and afterwards performing the last
mournful rites with an earnestness and solemnity that left a deep
impression on the minds of the few beholders. Perhaps this severity was
necessary to secure the discipline of the rest of the army, but, had the
motives of the misguided men been better known, there was a favourable
opportunity offered to the Government to conciliate the Highland clans,
and render the Imperial service an object of ambition to them. This
opportunity they neglected to improve, by an ill-judged severity to the
other prisoners, who, instead of being permitted to join the rest of
their fellow-countrymen in Flanders, where they would soon have wiped
out to the advantage of their country any stigma attached to their
previous insubordination, were sent to the West Indies and the North
American plantations—a fate in their estimation scarcely less deplorable
than that which had befallen their leaders on the parade ground of the
Tower of London. To this mistaken policy may be in great part attributed
the fact that, though several recruiting parties were sent to the
Highlands, not fifty men in the subsequent five years could be enlisted
to supplement the ranks of the 43rd at the seat of war. Some parties
were sent, but they belonged entirely to the Government clans, from
which, by another act of short-sighted policy, all the officers were
selected. One of these appointments, as connected with Deeside events,
may be here briefly noticed.
For some time previous to the Earl of Mar's insurrection the minister of
Cr&thie was a Mr. Fergusson, a strong supporter of the Hanoverian
succession, and possessed through his connections of no little influence
with the Government Attached to the Invercauld family, he had
endeavoured, at first gently, to win over the laird to his own side of
politics, but the pressure put upon him by the Earl of Mar to join his
standard was too great to be resisted. Soon after this, Fergusson was
translated from Crathie to Logierait in Perthshire. Then followed the
double collapse of Sheriff-muir and Preston, at which latter affair
Invercauld was taken prisoner. On this becoming known to Fergusson, he
exerted all the influence he could command to procure the pardon and
freedom of his friend, and had the satisfaction to find that his efforts
were not in vain. Some years afterwards Invercauld wrote a very handsome
letter to the minister of Logierait requesting him to intimate in what
way he might acknowledge his obligation. Fergusson suggested that he
might, if he thought proper, testify his sense of the clemency of the
Government by founding some educational endowment, or bursary, for the
benefit of the parish of Crathie. The suggestion was acted on; and the
benefaction is still administered by the Invercauld family, and affords
much valuable assistance both in maintenance and education to deserving
lads of the name of Farquharson, Fergusson, or Macdonald.
It is characteristic of a noble minded man that he never forgets an
obligation; and John Farquharson of Invercauld was such a man. Years
passed away and he grew in influence both in the Highlands and with
Government, but no opportunity presented itself of returning the favour
he had received from Mr. Fergusson. In 1724 the family at the manse of
Logierait was increased by the birth of a son, whom the father intended
to succeed him in the ministry, but for whom Providence had assigned
other work. For the purpose of qualifying him for the church, young Adam
was sent to study, first at the University of St Andrews, and afterwards
at that of Edinburgh. On the completion of his studies in 1742, he was,
without solicitation, offered an appointment as chaplain to the Black
Watch, and served with that regiment in Flanders. He was present at the
battle of Fontenoy, and, though a clergyman, is said to have charged the
enemy, sword in hand, among the foremost of his fellow soldiers. There
is no positive evidence that he owed this appointment to Invercauld, but
there is reason to believe that he was the unknown friend who procured
it for him; and if so, it was an act worthy of being noticed, as not
only graceful in itself, but as entitling its author to be considered
the earliest patron of “ Fergusson, the Historian.” Fergusson’s name is
too well known in literature to require further reference. Of his many
works that by which he is best known is his “ History of the Roman
Republic.” This, and his “ Institutes of Moral Philosophy,” which,
translated into German and French, was long used as a text book in
several continental universities, justly entitled him to be ranked among
the standard writers in the English language.
While on the subject of Fergusson and literary men connected with
Deeside, it may be proper to mention another eminent man of this clan
who derived his descent from ancestors within our district The father of
Fergusson the historian was not the only clergyman of that surname who
had held the living of Crathie. From about the year 1630 to somewhere
about 1670, the minister of this parish was also of the name of
Fergusson, from whom, if we knew more of his history, we should probably
be able to trace the descent of “Scotland's third Scottish poet”—the man
to whose genius and worth there may yet be seen in the Canongate
Churchyard, Edinburgh, a plain headstone, which, though a humble
monument, will probably bring a tear tofthe cheek of every true hearted
Scotsman, when he remembers how fast they flowed from the eyes of him
who placed it there, as he stood for the first time “beside the green
mound and the scattered gowans,” uncovering his head in honour of the
name of the sleeper below; and when he reads on one side the well known
Epitaph—
“No sculptur’d marble here, nor pompous lay,
No storied urn, nor animated bust;
This simple stone directs pale Scotia’s way
To pour her sorrows o’er her poet’s dust”
and on the other, this inscription—
“By special grant of the Managers To Robert Burns—who Erected this
Stone—
This Burial place is ever to remain Sacred to the Memory of Robert
Fergusson.”
We have not been able to trace the descent of the author of “The
Fanner’s Ingle” from the Minister of Crathie with that degree of
certainty which would warrant it to be affirmed as an historical fact;
but in the want of any opposing evidence we think it almost conclusively
established. The known facts and traditions are as follows:—The Rev. Mr.
Fergusson of Crathie had a daughter of the name of Agnes, who became the
second wife of James Farquharson of Inverey, from whom were descended
the Farquharsons of Auchindryne, now supposed to be extinct, and the
Farquharsons of Tullochcoy, of whom several representatives still
remain. Mr. Fergusson himself was descended from an ancient family, of
whom, as proprietors, the late Dr. Joseph Robertson the eminent
antiquary, has written that “ they possessed the estate of Auchtereme (Watereme)
in Cromar, from the reign of David II. to that of James V., when it
would seem they (as proprietors) became extinct” Tradition has it that
the last proprietor was the father of the Rev. Mr. Fergusson of Crathie,
which, so far as chronology is concerned, might very well have been the
case. The minister is said to have had sons, but what became of them is
not recorded. It is not unlikely that, according to the custom of the
times, though their grandfather had parted with his property, he might
still have retained a wadset on, or near it It is here that the link is
wanting to connect the minister with the poet, who was the son of
William Fergusson, book-keeper in Edinburgh, to which city he had
emigrated about the year 1746 from Aberdeen, whither he had, in the same
or the previous year, removed from Cromar. Perhaps the Highland
Insurrection may have exercised an unfavourable influence on his
fortunes, and compelled him thus to leave his native district in quest
of the means of living; for it would seem, from the connection he had
previous to this formed with a family of some consequence in Kildrummy,
that his own was of no mean standing in Cromar. His wife, the poet’s
mother, was Elizabeth, daughter of John Forbes, tacksman of Templeton,
Hillockhead, and Wellhead, a cadet of the family of Tolquhon. It may be
said that all this does not prove any connection between the ancestors
of the poet and the minister of Crathie. True, but it renders the
connection probable, seeing they both belonged to the same district—a
part of the north of Scotland in which, Dr. Joseph Robertson affirms,
the name of Fergusson was then not numerous. But there is another fact
which must be taken into account It was the ambition of the poet’s
parents to educate him for the Church, endeavouring to kindle his own
desire for that profession by frequently reminding him that his
great-grandfather, by his father’s side, had been a clergyman in the
Church of Scotland. Most of his biographers have taken notice of this,
though they have been unable to trace the poet’s ancestry beyond his
father. These two facts, taken in connection, put it almost beyond doubt
that the great-grandfather referred to was the Rev. Mr. Fergusson of
Crathie, whose descendants in the female line are yet to be found in the
district of Cromar—one of them the heir to a property immediately
adjoining Auchtereme (Easter Migvie, now Hopewell), the possession of
which was probably in the family of his ancestors from the reign of
David Bruce to that of James V.
At a later period of his life, the author made further investigations
into the question of Fergusson** ancestry, and was able to bring forward
some new facts in support of the belief that the poet was directly
descended from the minister of Crathie. The full statement of the proof
will be found in Grosart's Life of Fergusson (Famous Scots series,
1898). The Rev. Alex. Fergusson, or Ferris (c. 1630-1670) had a son
William, who, though the ancestral property of Auchtereme had been
alienated by his grandfather, appears as a wadsetter in Cromar. The
Christian name of this William's son is unknown, but he was the hither
of William Fergusson, the hither of the poet This last William Fergusson
was born in Tarland in 1714, and there he was married about 1741. By the
time of the poet’s birth the parents had removed to Edinburgh, but his
elder brothers and a sister were boro in the North. Thus narrowly did
Aberdeenshire miss the right of claiming him as one of her sons.—D.
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