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Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America
Chapter 11
First Highland Regiments in America


The conflict known as THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, which began in 1754, forced the English colonies to join in a common cause. The time had come for the final struggle between France and England for colonial supremacy in Ameria. The principal cause for the war was brought on by the conflicting territorial claims of the two nations. Mutual encroachments were made by both parties on the other’s territory, in consequence of which both nations prepared for war. The English ministry decided to make their chief efforts against the French in that quarter where the aggressions took place, and for this purpose dispatched thither two bodies of troops. The first division, of which the 42nd High-landers formed a part, under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir James Abercromby, set sail in March, 1756, and landed in June following.

The Highland regiments that landed in America and took part in the conflict were the 42nd or Royal Highland Regiment, but better known as "The Black Watch" (Am Freiceadan Dubh), the 77th or Montgomery’s Highlanders, and the Old 78th, or Fraser’s Highlanders.

The Black Watch, so called from the sombre appearance of their dress was embodied, as the 43rd Regiment, May, 1740, having been composed largely of the independent companies raised in 1729. When Oglethorpe’s regiment, the 42nd was reduced in 1749, the Black Watch received its number, which ever since, it has retained. From 1749 to 1756 the regiment was stationed in Ireland, and between them and the inhabitants of the districts, where quartered, the utmost cordiality existed. Previous to the departure of the regiment from Ireland to America, officers with parties had been sent to Scotland for recruits. So successful were they that in the month of June, seven hundred embarked at Greenock for America. The officers of the regiment were as follows:

The regiment known as Montgomery’s Highlanders (77th) took its name from its commander, Archibald Montgomery, son of the earl of Eglinton. Being very popular among the Highlanders, Montgomery very soon raised the requisite body of men, who were formed into thirteen companies of one hundred and five rank and file each; making in all fourteen hundred and sixty effective men, including sixty-five sergeants and thirty pipers and drummers. The Colonel’s commission was dated January 4, 1757, and those of the other officers one day later than his senior in rank. They are thus recorded:

Lieut.-Colonel commanding, Archibald Montgomery; majors, James Grant of Ballindalloch and Alexander Campbell; captains, John Sinclair, Hugh Mackenzie, John Gordon, Alexander Mackenzie, William Macdonald, George Munro, Robert Mackenzie, Allan Maclean, James Robertson, Allan Cameron; captain lieut., Alexander Mackintosh; lieutenants, Charles Farquharson, Nichol Sutherland, Donald Macdonald, William Mackenzie, Robert Mackenzie, Henry Munro, Archibald Robertson, Duncan Bayne, James Duff, Colin Campbell, James Grant, Alexander Macdonald, Joseph Grant, Robert Grant, Cosmo Martin, John Macnab, Hugh Gordon, Alexander Macdonald, Donald Campbell, Hugh Montgomery, James Maclean, Alexander Campbell, John Campbell, James Macpherson, Archibald Macvicar; ensigns: Alexander Grant, William Haggart, Lewis Houston, Ronald (Ranald?) Mackinnon, George Munro, Alexander Mackenzie, John Maclachlane, William Maclean, James Grant, John Macdonald, Archibald Crawford, James Bain, Allan Stewart; chaplain: Henry Munro; adjutant: Donald Stewart; quarter-master: Alexander Montgomery; surgeon: Allan Stewart.

The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax immediately on its organization.

Fraser’s Highlanders, or the 78th Regiment was organized by Simon Fraser, son of the notorious lord Lovat who was executed by the English government for the part he acted in the Rising of the Forty-five. Although his estates had been seized by the Crown, and not possessing a foot of land, so great was the influence of clanship, that in a few weeks he raised eight hundred men, to whom were added upwards of six hundred more by the gentlemen of the country and those who had obtained commissions. In point of the number of companies and men, the battalion was precisely the same as Montgomery’s Highlanders. The list of officers, whose commissions are dated January 5, 1757, is as follows:

Lieut.-col. commandant: Simon Fraser; majors: James Clephane and John Campbell of Dunoon; captains: John Macpherson, brother of Cluny, John Campbell of Ballimore, Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, Donald Macdonald, brother of Clanranald, John Macdonell of Lochgarry, Alexander Cameron of Dungallon, Thomas Ross of Culrossie, Thomas Fraser of Strui, Alexander Fraser of Culduthel, Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Culbeg, James Fraser of Belladrum; capt.-Lieut.: Simon Fraser; Lieutenants: Alexander Macleod, Hugh Cameron, Ronald Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Charles Macdonell, from Glengarry, Roderick Macneil of Barra, William Macdonell, Archibald Campbell, son of Gienlyon, John Fraser of Balnain, Hector Macdonald, brother of Boisdale, Allan Stewart, son of Innernaheil, John Fraser, Alexander Macdonald, son of Boisdale, Alexander Fraser, Alexander Campbell of Aross, John Douglas, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, John Macdonell of Leeks, Cosmo Gordon, David Baillie, Charles Stewart, Ewen Cameron, Allan Cameron, John Cuthbert, Simon Fraser, Archibald Macallister, James Murray, Alexander Fraser, Donald Cameron, son of Fassifern; ensigns: John Chisolm, Simon Fraser, Malcolm Fraser, Hugh Fraser, Robert Menzies, John Fraser of Errogie, James Mackenzie, Donald Macneil, Henry Munro, Alexander Gregorson, Ardtornish, James Henderson, John Campbell; chaplain: Robert Macpherson; adjutant: Hugh Fraser; quarter-master: John Fraser; surgeon: John Maclean.

"The uniform of the regiment was the full Highland dress with musket and broad-sword, to which many of the soldiers added the dirk at their own expense, and a purse of badger’s or otter’s skin. The bonnet was raised or cocked on one side, with a slight bend inclining down to the right ear, over which were suspended two or more black feathers. Eagle’s or hawk’s feathers were usually worn by the gentlemen, in the Highlands, while the bonnets of the common people were ornamented with a bunch of the distinguishing mark of the clan or district. The ostrich feathers in the bonnets of the soldiers were a modern addition of that period. " [Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66.]

The regiment was quickly marched to Greenock, where it embarked, in company with Montgomery’s Highlanders, and landed at Halifax in June 1757, where it remained till it formed a junction with the expedition against Louisbourg. The regiment was quartered between Canada and Nova Scotia till the conclusion of the war. On all occasions they sustained a uniform character for unshaken firmness, incorruptible probity and a strict regard to their duties. The men were always anxious to conceal their misdemeanors from the Caipal Mohr, as they called the chaplain, from his large size.

When The Black Watch landed in New York they attracted much notice, particularly on the part of the Indians, who, on the march of the regiment to Albany, flocked from all quarters to see strangers, whom, from the somewhat similarity of dress, they believed to be of the same extraction with themselves, and therefore considered them to be brothers.

During the whole of 1756 the regiment remained inactive in Albany. The winter and spring of 1757 they were drilled and disciplined for bush-fighting and sharpshooting, a species of warfare then necessary and for which they were well fitted, being in general good marksmen, and expert in the management of their arms.

In the month of June, 1757, lord Loudon, who had been appointed commander-in-chief of the army in North America, with the 22d, 42d, 44th, 48th, 2d and 4th battalions of the 6oth, together with six hundred Rangers, making in all five thousand and three hundred men, embarked for Halifax, where his force was increased to ten thousand and five hundred men by the addition of five regiments lately arrived from England, which included Fraser’s and Montgomery’s Highlanders. When on the eve of his departure for an attack on Louisburg, information was received that the Brest fleet, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, besides frigates, had arrived in the harbor of that fortress. Letters, which had been captured in a vessel bound from Louisburg to France, revealed that the force was too great to be encountered. Lord Loudon abandoned the enterprise and soon after returned to New York taking with him the Highlanders and four other regiments.

By the addition of three new companies and the junction of seven hundred recruits "The Black ‘Watch" or 42nd, was now augmented to upwards of thirteen hundred men, all Highlanders, for at that period, none others were admitted.

During the absence of lord Loudon, Montcalm, the French commander, was very active, and collecting all his disposable forces, including Indians, and a large train of artillery, amounting in all to more than eight thousand men, laid seige to Fort William Henry, under the command of Colonel Munro. Some six miles distant was Fort Edward, garrisoned by four thousand men under General Webb. The seige was conducted with great vigor and within six days Colonel Munro surrendered, conditioned on not serving again for eighteen months, and allowed to march out of the fort with their arms and two field pieces. As soon as they were without the gate the Indians fell upon them and committed all sorts of outrages and barbarities,—the French being unable to restrain them.

Thus terminated the campaign of 1757 in America, undistinguished by any act which might compensate for the loss of territory or the sacrifice of lives. With an inferior force the French had been successful at every point, and besides having obtained complete control of Lakes George and Champlain, the destruction of Oswego gave the dominion of those lakes, which are connected with the St. Lawrence, to the Mississippi, thus opening a direct communication between Canada and the southwest.

Lord Loudon having been recalled, the command of the army again devolved on General James Abercromby. Determined to wipe off the disgrace of former campaigns, the new ministry, which had just come into power, fitted out, in 1758, a great naval and military force consisting of fifty-two thousand men. To the military staff were added Major-General Amherst, and Brigadier General’s Wolfe, Townsend and Murray. Three expeditions were proposed: the first to renew the attempt on Louisburg; the second directed against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the third against Fort du Quesne.

General Abercromby took command, in person, of the expedition against Ticonderoga, with a force of fifteen thousand three hundred and ninety men, of whom over six thousand were regulars, the rest being provincials, besides a train of artillery. Among the regulars must be reckoned the 42d Highlanders. Ticonderoga, situated on a point of land between Lake George and Lake Champlain is surrounded on three sides by water, and on one-half of the fourth by a morass. The remaining part of the fort was protected by high entrenchments, supported and flanked by three batteries, and the whole front of that which was accessible intersected by deep traverses, and blocked up with felled trees, with their branches turned outwards, and their points sharpened.

On July 5th the army struck their tents at daybreak, and in nine hundred small boats and one hundred and thirty-five whale-boats, with artillery mounted on rafts, embarked on Lake George. The fleet in stately procession, bright with banners and cheered by martial music, moved down the beautiful lake, beaming with hope and pride. The solemn forests were broken by the echoes of the happy soldiery. There was no one to molest them, and victors was their one desire. Over the broader expanse they passed to the first narrows, witnessing the mountains rising from the water’s edge, the dark forest, and the picturesque loveliness of the scene. Long afterwards General John Stark recounted that when they had halted at Sabbath day Point at twilight, lord Howe, reclining in his tent on a bearskin, and bent on winning a hero’s name, questioned him closely as to the position of Ticonderoga and the fittest modes of attack.

After remaining five hours at their resting place, the army, an hour before midnight, moved once more down the lake, and by nine the next morning, disembarked on the west side, in a cove sheltered by a point which still keeps the name of Lord Howe. The troops were formed into two parallel columns and marched on the enemy’s advanced posts, which were abandoned without a shot. The march was continued in the same order, but the guides proving ignorant, the columns came in contact, and were thrown into confusion. A detachment of the enemy which had also become bewildered in the woods, fell in with the right column, at the head of which was lord Howe, and during the skirmish which ensued, Howe was killed. Abercromby ordered the army to march back to the landing place.

Montcalm, ever alert, was ready to receive the English army. On July 6th he called in all his parties, and when united amounted to two thousand eight hundred French and four hundred and fifty Canadians. On the 7th the whole army toiled in-credibly in strengthening their defenses. On the same evening De Levi returned from the projected expedition against the Mo-hawks, bringing with him four hundred chosen men. On the morning of the 8th, the drums of the French beat to arms, that the troops, now thirty-six hundred and fifty in number, might know their stations and resume their work.

The strongest regiment in the army of Abercrombie was the 42nd Highlanders, fully equipped, in their native dress. The officers wore a narrow gold braiding round their tunics, all other lace being laid aside to make them less conspicuous to the French and Canadian riflemen. The sergeants wore silver lace on their coats, and carried the Lochaber axe, the head of which was fitted for hewing, hooking or spearing an enemy, or such other work as might be found before the ramparts of Ticonderoga. Many of the men had been out in the Rising of the Forty-five.

When Abercrombie received in formation from some prisoners that De Levi was about to reinforce Montcalm, he determined, if possible to strike a blow before a junction could be effected. Report also having reached him that the entrenchments were still unfinished, and might be assaulted with prospects of success, he immediately made the necessary dispositions for attack. The British commander, remaining far behind during the action, put the army in motion, on the 8th, the regulars advancing through the openings of the provincials, and taking the lead. The pickets were followed by the grenadiers, supported by the battalions and reserve, which last consisted of the Highlanders and 55th regiment, advanced with great alacrity towards the entrenchments, which they found much more formidable than they expected. As the British advanced, Montcalm, who stood just within the trenches, threw off his coat for the sunny work of the July afternoon, and forbade a musket to be fired until he had given the order. When the British drew very near, in three principal columns, to attack simultaneously the left, the center, and the right, they became entangled among the rubbish and broken into disorder by clambering over logs and projecting limbs. The quick eye of Montcalm saw the most effective moment had come, and giving the word of command, a sudden and incessant fire of swivels and small arms mowed down brave officers and men by hundreds. The intrepidity of the English made the carnage terrible. With the greatest vivacity the attacks were continued all the afternoon. Wherever the French appeared to be weak, Montcalm immediately strengthened them. Regiment after regiment was hurled against the beseiged, only to be hurled back with the loss of half their number.

The Scottish Highlanders, held in the reserve, from the very first were impatient of the restraint; but when they saw the column fall back, unable longer to control themselves, and emulous of sharing the danger, broke away and pushed forward to the front, and with their broadswords and Lochaber axes endeavored to cut through the abattis and chevaux-de-frize. For three hours the Highlanders struggled without the least appearance of discouragement. After a long and deadly struggle they penetrated the exterior defences and reached the breastwork; having no scaling ladders, they attempted to gain the summit by mounting on each others shoulders and partly by fixing their feet in holes they made with their swords, axes and bayonets in the face of the work, but no sooner did a man appear on top than he was hurled down by the defending troops. Captain John Campbell, with a few men, at length forced their way over the breastwork, but were immediately dispatched with the bayonet.

While the Highlanders and grenadiers were fighting without faltering and without confusion on the French left, the columns which had attacked the center and right, at about five o’clock, concentrated themselves at a point between the two; but De Levi advanced from the right and Montcalm brought up the reserve. At six the two parties nearest the water turned desperately against the center, and being repulsed, made a last effort on the left, where, becoming bewildered, the English fired on an advanced party of their own, producing hopeless dejection.

The British general, during the confusion of battle cowered safely at the saw-mills, and when his presence was needed to rally the fugitives, was nowhere to be found. The second in command, unable to seize the opportunity, gave no commands. The Highlanders persevered in their undertaking and did not relinquish their labors until they received the third order to retreat, when they withdrew, unmolested, and carrying with them the whole of their wounded.

The loss sustained by the 42nd was as follows: eight officers, nine sergeants and two hundred and ninety-seven men killed; and seventeen officers, ten sergeants and three hundred and six soldiers wounded. The officers killed were Major Duncan Campbell of Inveraw, Captain John Campbell, Lieutenants George Farquharson, Hugh MacPherson, William Baillie, and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick Stewart of Bonskied and George Rattray. The wounded were Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrad, James Murray; Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell of Melford, William Grant, John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell, Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David Miller, Patrick Balneaves; and Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant.

The intrepid conduct of the Highlanders, in the storming of Ticonderoga, was made the topic of universal panegyric throughout the whole of Great Britain, the public prints teeming with honorable mention of, and testimonies to their bravery. Among these General Stewart copies [Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289.] the two following:

"With a mixture of esteem, grief and envy (says an officer of the 55th, lord Howe’s regiment), I consider the great loss and immortal glory acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody affair. Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the entrenchments, which many of them actually mounted. They appeared like lions, breaking from their chains. Their intrepidity was rather animated than damped by seeing their comrades fall on every side. I have only to say of them, that they seemed more anxious to revenge the cause of their deceased friends, than careful to avoid the same fate. By their assistance, we expect soon to give a good account of the enemy and of ourselves. There is much harmony and friendship between us." "The attack (says Lieutenant William Grant of the 42nd) began a little past one in the afternoon, and, about two, the fire became general on both sides, which was exceedingly heavy, and without any intermission, insomuch that the oldest soldier present never saw so furious and incessant a fire. The affair at Fontenoy was nothing to it. I saw both. We labored under insurmountable difficulties. The enemy’s breastwork was about nine or ten feet high, upon the top of which they had plenty of wall pieces fixed, and which was well lined in the inside with small arms. But the difficult access to their lines was what gave them the fatal advantage over us. They took care to cut down monstrous large oak trees, which covered all the ground from the foot of their breastwork about the distance of a cannon shot every way in their front. This not only broke our ranks, and made it impossible for us to keep our order, but put it entirely out of our power to advance till we cut our way through. I have seen men behave with courage and resolution before now, but so much determined bravery can hardly be equalled in any part of the history of ancient Rome. Even those that were mortally wounded cried aloud to their companions, not to mind or lose a thought upon them, but to follow their officers, and to mind the honor of their country. Nay, their ardor was such, that it was difficult to bring them off. They paid dearly for their intrepidity. The remains of the regiment had the honor to cover the retreat of the army, and brought off the wounded, as we did at Fontenoy. When shall we have so fine a regiment again? I hope we shall be allowed to recruit."

The English outnumbered the French four-fold, and with their artillery, which was near at hand, could have forced a passage. "Had I to besiege Ticonderoga," said Montcalm, "I would ask for but six mortars and two pieces of artillery." But Abercrombie, that evening, hurried the army to the landing place, with such precipitancy, that but for the alertness of Colonel Bradstreet, it would at once have rushed in a mass into the boats. On the morning of the 9th the army embarked and Abercrombie did not rest until he had placed the lake between himself and Montcalm, and even then he sent the artillery and ammunition to Albany for safety.

The expedition against Louisburg, under Major-General Jeffrey Amherst, set sail from Halifax on May 28, 1758. It was joined by the fleet under Admiral Boscawen. The formidable armament consisted of twenty-five sail of the line, eighteen frigates, and a number of bomb and fire ships, with the Royals, 15th, 17th, 22nd, 28th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 47th, 48th, 58th, the 2d and 3d battalions of the 60th, 78th Highlanders, and New England Rangers,—in all, thirteen thousand and nine men. On June 2nd the vessels anchored in Garbarus Bay, seven miles from Louisburg. The garrison, under the Chevalier Ducour, consisted of twenty-five hundred regulars, six hundred militia, and four hundred Canadians and Indians. The harbor was protected by six ships of the line and five frigates, three of the latter being sunk at its mouth. The English ships were six days on the coast before a landing could be attempted, on account of a heavy surf continually rolling with such violence, that no boat could approach the shore. The violence of the surf having somewhat abated, a landing was effected on June 8th. The troops were disposed for landing in three di visions. That on the left, which was destined for the real attack, commanded by Brigadier General Wolfe, was composed of the grenadiers and light infantry, and the 78th, or Fraser’s Highlanders. While the boats containing this division were being rowed ashore, the other two divisions on the right and center, commanded by Brigadier Generals Whitmore and Lawrence, made a show of landing, in order to divide and distract the enemy. The landing place was occupied by two thousand men entrenched behind a battery of eight pieces of cannon and swivels. The enemy wisely reserved their fire till the boats were close to the shore, and then directed their discharge of cannon and musketry with considerable execution. The surf aided the fire. Many of the boats were upset or dashed to pieces on the rocks, and numbers of the men were killed or drowned before land was reached. Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert of the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherts, and thirty-eight men were killed. Notwithstanding the great disadvantages, nothing could stop the troops when led by such a general as Wolfe. Some of the light infantry and Highlanders were first ashore, and drove all before them. The rest followed, and soon pursued the enemy to a distance of two miles, when they were checked by the canonading from the town.

In this engagement the French lost seventeen pieces of cannon, two mortars, and fourteen swivels, besides seventy-three prisoners. The cannonading from the town enabled Wolfe to prove the range of the enemy’s guns, and to judge of the exact distance at which he might make his camp for investing the town. The regiments then took post at the positions assigned them. For some days operations went on slowly. The sea was so rough that the landing of stores from the fleet was much retarded; and it was not until the 11th that the six pounder field pieces were landed. Six days later a squadron was fairly blown out to sea by the tempest. By the 24th the chief engineer had thirteen twenty-four pounders in position against the place. The first operation was to secure a point called Lighthouse Battery, the guns from which could play upon the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side of the harbor. On the 12th this point was captured by Wolfe at the head of his gallant Fraser’s and flank companies, with but little loss. On the 25th, the fire from this post silenced the island battery immediately opposite. An incessant fire, however, was kept up from the other batteries and shipping of the enemy. On July 9th the enemy made a sortie on General Lawrence’s brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In this affair, the earl of Dundonald was killed. There were twenty other casualities. The French captain who led the attack, with seventeen of his men, was also killed.

On the 16th, Wolfe pushed forward some grenadiers and High-landers, and took possession of the hills in front of the Lighthouse battery, where a lodgement was made under a fire from the town and the ships. On the 21st one of the French ships was set on fire by a bombshell and blew up, and the fire being communicated to two others, they were burned to the water’s edge. The fate of the town was now almost decided, the enemy’s fire nearly silenced and the fortifications shattered to the ground. All that now remained in the reduction was to get possession of the harbor, by taking or burning the two ships of the line which remained. For this purpose the admiral, on the night of July 25th sent six hundred seamen in boats, with orders to take, or burn, the two ships of the line that remained in the harbor, resolving if they succeeded to send in some of his larger vessels to bombard the town. This enterprise was successfully executed by the seamen under Captains Laforey and Balfour, in the face of a terrible fire of cannon and musketry. One of the ships was set on fire and the other towed off. On the 26th the town surrendered; the garrison and seamen amounted to five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven, besides one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, eighteen mortars, seven thousand five hundred stand of arms, eleven colors, and eleven ships of war. The total loss of the English army and fleet, during the siege amounted to five hundred and twenty-five. Besides Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert the Highlanders lost Lieutenant J. Alexander Fraser and James Murray, killed; Captain Donald MacDonald, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell (Barcaldine) and John MacDonald, wounded; and sixty-seven rank and file killed and wounded.

The third expedition was against Fort du Quesne, undertaken by Brigadier General John Forbes. Although the point of attack was less formidable and the enemy inferior in numbers to those at either Ticonderoga or Louisburg, yet the difficulties were greater, owing to the great extent of country to be traversed, through woods without roads, over mountains and through almost impassable morasses. The army consisted of six thousand two hundred and thirty-eight men, composed of Montgomery’s Highlanders, twelve hundred and eighty-four strong, five hundred and fifty-five of the Royal Americans, and four thousand four hundred provincials. Among the latter were the two Virginia regiments, nineteen hundred strong, under the command of Washington. Yet vast as were the preparations of the army, Forbes never would have seen the Ohio had it not been for the genius of Washington, although then but twenty-six years of age.

The army took up its line of march from Philadelphia in July, and did not reach Raystown until the month of September, when they were still ninety miles distant from Fort du Quesne. It was Washington’s earnest advice that the army should advance with celerity along Braddock’s road; but other advice prevailed, and the army commemorated its march by moving slowly and constructing a new route to the Ohio. Thus the summer was frittered away. While Washington’s forces joined the main army, Boquet was detached with two thousand men to take post at Loyal Hanna, fifty miles in advance. Here intelligence was received that the French garrison consisted of but eight hundred men, of whom three hundred were Indians. The vainglory of Boquet, without the consent or knowledge of his superior officer urged him to send forward a party of four hundred Highlanders and a company of Virginians under Major James Grant to reconnoitre. Major Grant divided his troops, and when near the fort, advanced with pipes playing and drums beating, as if he was on a visit to a friendly town. The enemy did not wait to be attacked, but instantly marched out of their works and invited the conflict. The Highlanders threw off their coats and charged sword in hand. At first the French gave way, but rallied and surrounded the detachment on all sides. Being concealed in the thick foliage, their heavy and destructive fire could not be returned with any effect. Major Grant was taken in an attempt to force into the woods, where he observed the thickest of the fire. On losing their commander, and so many officers killed and wounded, the Highlanders dispersed, and were only saved from utter ruin by the provincials. Only one hundred and fifty of the Highlanders succeeded in making their way back to Loyal Hanna.

In this battle, fought September 14, 1758, two hundred and thirty-one Highlander’s were killed and wounded. The officers killed were Captain William Macdonald and George Munro; Lieutenants Alexander Mackenzie, William Mackenzie, Robert Mackenzie, Colin Campbell, and Alexander Macdonald; and the wounded were Captain Hugh Mackenzie, Lieutenants Alexander Macdonald, Archibald Robertson, Henry Munro, and Ensigns John Macdonald and Alexander Grant.

General Forbes did not reach Loyal Hanna until November 5th and there a council of war determined that no farther advance should be made for that season. But Washington had plead that owing to his long intimacy with these woods, and his familiarity with the difficulties and all the passes should be allowed the responsibility of commanding the first party. This having been denied him, he prevailed on the commander to be allowed to make a second advance. His brigade was of provincials, and they toiled cheerfully by his side, infusing his own spirit into the men he commanded. Over the hills white with snow, his troops poorly fed and poorly clothed toiled onward. His movements were rapid: on November 15th he was at Chestnut Ridge; and the 17th at Bushy Run. As he drew near Fort du Quesne, the disheartened garrison, about five hundred in number, set fire to the fort, and by the light of the conflagration, descended the Ohio. On the 25th Washington could point out to the army the junction of the rivers, and entering the fortress, they planted the British colors on the deserted ruins. As the banner of England floated over the Ohio, the place was with one voice named Pittsburg, in honor of the great English premier William Pitt.

The troops under Washington were accompanied by a body of Highlanders. On the morning of November 25th, the army advanced with the provincials in the front. They entered upon an Indian path, "Upon each side of which a number of stakes, with the bark peeled off, were stuck into the earth, and upon each stake was fixed the head and kilt of a Highlander who had been killed or taken prisoner at Grant’s defeat. The provincials, being front, obtained the first view of these horrible spectacles, which it may readily be believed, excited no kindly feelings in their breasts.

They passed along, however, without any manifestation of their violent wrath. But as soon as the Highlanders came in sight of the remains of their countrymen, a slight buzz was heard in their ranks, which rapidly swelled and grew louder and louder. Exasperated not only by the barbarous outrages upon the persons of their unfortunate fellow soldiers who had fallen only a few days before, but maddened by the insult which was conveyed by the exhibition of their kilts, and which they well understood, as they had long been nicknamed the ‘petticoat warriors’ by the Indians, their wrath knew no hounds. Directly a rapid and violent tramping was heard, and immediately the whole corps of the Highlanders, with their muskets abandoned, and broad swords drawn, rushed by the provincials, foaming with rage, and resembling, as Captain Craighead coarsely expressed it, ‘mad boars engaged in battle,’ swearing vengeance and extermination upon the French troops who had permitted such outrages. Their march was now hastened—the whole army moved forward after the Highlanders, and when they arrived somewhere about where the canal now passes, the Fort was discovered to be in flames, and the last of the boats, with the flying Frenchmen, were seen passing down the Ohio by Smoky Island. Great was the disappointment of the exasperated Highlanders at the escape of the French, and their wrath subsided into a sullen and relentless desire for vengeance." [The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181.]

The Highlanders passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburg, and in May following marched to the assistance of General Amherst in his proceedings at Ticonderoga, Crown Point and the Lakes.

Before the heroic action of The Black Watch at Ticonderoga was known in England, a warrant was issued conferring upon the regiment the title of Royal, so that it became known also by the name of 42d Royal Highland Regiment, and letters were issued to raise a second battalion. So successful were the recruiting officers that within three months, seven companies, each one hundred and twenty men strong were embodied at Perth in October 1758. Although Highlanders only were admitted, yet two officers, anxious to obtain commissions, enlisted eighteen Irishmen, several of whom were O’Donnels, O’Lachlans, O’Briens, &c. The O was changed to Mac, and the Milesians passed muster as true Macdonels, Maclachlans, and Macbriars, without being questioned.

The second battalion immediately embarked at Greenock for the West Indies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle; and after the reduction of Guadaloupe, it was transferred to New York, and in July, 1759, was combined with the first battalion, in order to engage in the operations then projected against the French settlernents in Canada. General Wolfe was to proceed up the St. Lawrence and besiege Quebec. General Amherst, who had succeeded Ahercromby as commander-in-chief, was to attempt the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and then effect a junction with General Wolfe before Quebec. Brigadier General John Prideaux was to proceed against the French fort near the falls of Niagara, the most important post of all French America.

The army first put in motion was that under Amherst, which assembled at Fort Edward on June 19th. It included the 42nd and Montgomery’s Highlanders, and when afterwards joined by the second battalion of the 42nd, numbered fourteen thousand five hundred men. On the 21st, preceded by The Black Watch the army moved forward and encamped on Lake George, where, during the previous year, the army rested prior to the attack on Ticonderoga. Considerable time was spent in preparations for assaulting this formidable post, but on seeing the preparations made by the English generals for a siege, the French set fire to the magazines and buildings, and retired to Crown Point.

The plan of campaign on the part of the French appeared to have been to embarrass Amherst by retarding the advance of his army, but not to hazard any considerable engagement, nor to allow themselves to be so completely invested as to cut off all retreat. The main object of their tactics was so to delay the advance of the English that the season for action on the Lakes would pass away without showing any decisive advantage on the part of the invaders, whilst their own forces could be gradually concentrated, and thus arrest the progress of Amherst down the St. Lawrence.

On taking possession of Ticonderoga, which effectually covered the frontiers of New York, General Amherst proceeded to repair the fortifications and, while superintending this work, was indefatigable in preparing batteaux and other vessels for conveying his troops, and obtaining the superiority on the Lakes.

Meanwhile the French abandoned Crown Point and retired to Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity of Lake Champlain. General Amherst moved forward and took possession of the fort which the French had abandoned, and the second battalion of the 42nd was ordered up. Having gained a naval superiority on Lake Champlain the army went into winter quarters at Crown Point.

The main undertaking of the campaign was the reduction of Quebec, by far the most difficult operation, where General Wolfe was expected to perform an important part with not more than seven thousand effective men. The movement commenced at Sandy Hook, Tuesday May 8, 1759 when the expedition set sail for Louisburg, under convoy of the Nightingale, the fleet consisting of about twenty-eight sail, the greater part of which was to take in the troops from Nova Scotia, and the rest having on board Fraser’s Highlanders. They arrived at Louisburg on the 17th. and there remained until June 4th, when the fleet again set sail, consisting of one hundred and fifty vessels, twenty-two of which were ships of the line. They entered the St. Lawrence on the 13th, and on the 23rd anchored near Isle aux Coudres. On the

26th, the whole armament arrived off the Isle of Orleans, and the next day disembarked. Montcalm depended largely on the natural position of the city of Quebec for defence, although he neglected nothing for his security. Every landing-place was in-trenched and protected. At midnight on the 28th a fleet of fire-ships came down the tide, but was grappled by the British soldiers and towed them free of the shipping. Point Levi, on the night of the 29th was occupied, and batteries constructed, from which red-hot balls were discharged, demolishing the lower town of Quebec and injuring the upper. But the citadel and every avenue from the river to the cliff were too strongly entrenched for an assault.

General Wolfe, enterprising, daring, was eager for battle. Perceiving that the eastern bank of the Montmorenci was higher than the position of Montcalm, on July 9th he crossed the north channel and encamped there; but not a spot on the line of the Montmorenci was left unprotected by the vigilant Montcalm.

General Wolfe planned that two brigades should ford the Montmorenci at the proper time of the tide, while Monckton’s regirnents should cross the St. Lawrence in boats from Point Levi. The signal was given and the advance made in the face of shot and shell. Those who got first on shore, not waiting for support, ran hastily towards the entrenchments, and were repulsed in such disorder that they could not again come into line. Wolfe was compelled to order a retreat. Intrepidity and discipline could not overcome the heavy fire of a well protected enemy. In that assault, which occurred on July 31st, Wolfe lost four hundred in killed.

General Murray was next sent with twelve hundred men, above the town, to destroy the French ships and open communication with General Amherst. They learned that Niagara had surrendered and that Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been abandoned. But General Wolfe looked in vain for General Amherst. The commander-in-chief, opposed by no more than three thousand men, was loitering at Crown Point; nor was even a messenger received from him. The heroic Wolfe was left to struggle alone against odds and difficulties which every hour made more appalling. Every one able to bear arms was in the field fighting for their homes, their language, and their religion. Old men of seventy and boys of fifteen fired at the English detachments from the edges of the woods.

The feeble frame of General Wolfe, disabled by fever, began to sink under the fearful strain. He laid before his chief officers three desperate methods of attacking Montcalm, all of which they opposed, but proposed to convey five thousand men above the town, and thus draw Montcalm from his intrenchments. General Wolfe acquiesced and prepared to carry it into effect. On the 5th and 6th of September he marched the army from Point Levi, and embarked in transports, resolving to land at the point that ever since has borne his name, and take the enemy by surprise. Every officer knew his appointed duty, when at one o’clock on the morning of the 13th, about half the army glided down with the tide. When the cove was reached, General Wolfe and the troops with him leaped ashore, and clambered up the steep hill, holding by the roots and boughs of the maple, spruce and ash trees, that covered the declivity, and with but little difficulty dispersed the picket which guarded the height. At daybreak General Wolfe, with his battalions, stood on the plains of Abraham. When the news was carried to Montcalm, he said, "They have at last got to the weak side of this miserable garrison; we must give battle, and crush them before mid-day." Before ten o’clock the two opposing armies were ranged in each other’s presence. The English, five thousand strong, were all regulars, perfect in discipline, terrible in their fearless enthusiasm, and commanded by a man whom they obeyed with confidence and admiration. Mont-calm had but five weak battalions of two thousand men, mingled with disorderly peasantry. The French with three and the English with two small pieces of artillery cannonaded each other for nearly an hour.

Montcalm led the French army impetuously to the attack. The ill-disciplined companies broke by their precipitation and the unevenness of the ground, fired by platoons without unity. The English received the shock with calmness, reserving their fire until the enemy were within forty yards, when they began a regular, rapid firing. Montcalm was everywhere, braving dangers, though wounded, cheered others by his example. The Canadians flinching from the hot fire, gave way when General Wolfe placing himself at the head of two regiments, charged with bayonets. General Wolfe was wounded three times, the third time mortally. "Support me," he cried to an officer near him; "let not my brave fellows see me drop." He was carried to the rear. "They run, they run," cried the officer on whom he leaned. "Who run?" asked Wolfe, as his life was fast ebbing. "The French," replied the officer, "give way everywhere." "What," cried the dying hero, "do they run already? Go, one of you, to Colonel Burton; bid him march Webb’s regiment with all speed to Charles River to cut off the fugitives." "Now, God he praised, I die happy," were the last words he uttered. The heroic Montcalm, struck by a musket ball, continued in the engagement, till attempting to rally a body of fugitive Canadians, was mortally wounded, On September 17th, the city surrendered.

The rapid sketch thus given does not represent the part taken by Fraser’s Highlanders. Fortunately Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser kept a journal, and from it the following is gleaned: June 30th, the Highlanders with Kennedy’s or the 43rd, crossed the river and joined the 15th, or Amhersts’, with some Rangers, marched to Point Levi, having numerous skirmishes on the way. Captain Campbell posted his company in St. Joseph’s church, and there fired a volley upon an assaulting party. On Sunday, July 1st, the regiment was cannonaded by some floating batteries, losing four killed and eight wounded. On the 9th, before daylight, the Highlanders struck tents at Point Levi, and marched out of sight of the town. On the 11th three men were wounded by the fire of the great guns from the city. On the 21st, it was reported that fourteen privates of Fraser’s Highlanders were wounded by the Royal Americans, having, in the dark, mistaken them for the enemy. On the night of July 24th, Colonel Fraser, with a detachment of about three hundred and fifty men of his regiment, marched down the river, in order to take up such prisoners and cattle as might be found. Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, Jr., returned to the camp with the information that Colonel Fraser had been wounded by a shot from some Canadians in ambush; and the same shot wounded Captain MacPherson; both of whom returned that day to camp. On the 27th the detachment returned bringing three women and one man prisoners, and almost two hundred cattle. July 31st Fraser’s and Amherst’s regiments embarked in boats at Point Levi and landed on the Montmorenci, where, on that day, General Wolfe fought the battle of Beauport Flats, in which he lost seven hundred killed and wounded. His retreat was covered by the Highlanders, without receiving any hurt, although exposed to a battery of two cannons which kept a very brisk fire upon them. The regiment went to the island of Orleans, and on August 1st to Point Levi. On Wednesday, August 15th, Captain John MacDonell, seven subalterns, eight sergeants, eight corporals and one hundred and forty-four men of Fraser’s regiment, crossed from Point Levi to the Island of Orleans and lodged in the church of St. Peter’s, and the next day marched to the east end of the island, and on the 17th crossed to St. Joachim, where they met with slight resistance. They fortified the Priest’s house, and were not reinforced until the 23rd, and then all marched to attack the village, which was captured, with "a few prisoners taken, all of whom the barbarous Captain Montgomery, who commanded us, ordered to be butchered in a most inhuman and cruel manner. . . . After this skirmish we set about burning the houses with great success, setting all in flames till we came to the church of St. Anne’s, where we put up for this night, and were joined by Captain Ross, with about one hundred and twenty men of his company." The work of devastation continued the following day, until the forces reached Ange Gardien. August 28, Captain MacDonell with Captain Ross took post at Chateau Richer. September 1st, Chateau Richer was burned, and the force marched to Montmorenci, burning all the houses on the way. On the 2nd the Highlanders returned to their camp at Point Levi. Captain Alexander Cameron of Dungallon died on the 3rd. On the 4th Captain Alexander Fraser of Culduthell arrived with a fourteenth company to the regiment. On the 6th a detachment of six hundred Highlanders with the 15th and 43rd regiments, marched five miles above Point Levi and then crossed the river in crowded vessels, but for several days remained mostly on board the ships. On September 17th, the Highlanders landed at Wolfe’s Cove, with the rest of the army, and were soon on the plains of Abraham. When the main body of the French commenced to retreat "our regiment were then ordered by Brigadier General Murray to draw their swords and pursue them; which I dare say increased their panic but saved many of their lives. * * * In advancing we passed over a great many dead and wounded (French regulars mostly) lying in the front of our regiment, who,—’ mean the Highlanders—to do them justice behaved extremely well all day, as did the whole of the army. After pursuing the French to the very gates of the town, our regiment was ordered to form fronting the town, on the ground whereon the French formed first. At this time the rest of the army came up in good order. General Murray having then put himself at the head of our regiment ordered them to face to the left and march thro’ the bush of wood, towards the General Hospital when they got a great gun or two to play upon us from the town which however did no damage, but we had a few men killed and officers wounded by some skulking fellows, with small arms, from the bushes and behind the houses in the suburbs of St. Louis and St. John’s. After marching a short way through the bush, Brigadier Murray thought proper to order us to return again to the high road leading from Porte St. Louis, to the heights of Abraham, where the battle was fought, and after marching till we got clear of the bushes, we were ordered to turn to the right, and go along the edge of them towards the bank at the descent between us and the General Hospital, under which we understood there was a body of the enemy who, no sooner saw us, than they began firing on us from the bushes and from the bank: we soon dispossessed them from the bushes, and from thence kept firing for about a quarter of an hour on those under cover of the bank; but, as they exceeded us greatly in numbers, they killed and wounded a great many of our men, and killed two officers, which obliged us to retire a little, and form again, when the 58th Regiment with the 2nd Battalion of Royal Americans having come up to our assistance, all three making about five hundred men, advanced against the enemy and drove them first down to the great meadow between the hospital and town and afterwards over the river St. Charles. It was at this time and while in the bushes that our regiment suffered most; Lieutenant Roderick, McNeill of Barra, and Alexander McDonell, and John McDonell, and John McPherson, volunteer, with many of our men, were killed before we were reinforced; and Captain Thomas Ross having gone down with about one hundred men of the 3rd Regiment to the meadow, after the enemy, when they were out of reach, ordered me up to desire those on the height would wait till he would come up and join them, which I did, but before Mr. Ross could get up, he unfortunately was mortally wounded. * * * We had of our regiment three officers killed and ten wounded, one of whom Captain Simon Fraser, afterwards died. Lieutenant Archibald Campbell was thought to have been mortally wounded, but to the surprise of most people recovered, Captain John McDonell thro’ both thighs; Lieut. Ronald McDonell thro’ the knee; Lieutenant Alexander Campbell thro’ the leg: Lieutenant Douglas thro’ the arm, who died of this wound soon afterwards : Ensign Gregorson. Ensign McKenzie and Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, all slightly, I received a contusion in the right shoulder or rather breast, before the action become general, which pained me a good deal, but it did not disable me from my duty then or afterwards.

The detachment of our regiment consisted, at our marching from Point Levi, of six hundred men, besides commissioned and non commissioned officers; but of these, two officers and about sixty men were left on board for want of boats, and an officer and about thirty men left at the landing place; besides a few left sick on board, so that we had about five hundred men in the action. We suffered in men and officers more than any three regiments in the field. We were commanded by Captain John Campbell; the Colonel and Captain McPherson having been unfortunately wounded on the 25th July, of which they were not yet fully recovered. We lay on our arms all the night of the 13th September."

On the 14th the Highlanders pitched their tents on the battlefield, within reach of the guns of the town. On the following day they were ordered to camp near the wood, at a greater distance from the town. Here, within five hundred yards of the town, they commenced to make redoubts. After the surrender of Quebec the Highlanders marched into the city and there took up their quarters. On February 13, 1760, in an engagement with the French at Point Levi, Lieutenant McNeil was killed, and some of the soldiers wounded. March 18th Captain Donald McDonald, with some detachments, in all five hundred men, attacked the French posts at St. Augustin, and without loss took eighty prisoners, and that night returned to Quebec.

Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, made fierce work in the garrison, and in the army scarce a man was free from it. On April 30th a return of Fraser’s Highlanders, in the garrison at Quebec, showed three hundred and fourteen fit for duty, five hundred and eighty sick, and one hundred and six dead since September 18, 1759.

April 27th, the French under De Levi, in strong force advanced against the English, the latter being forced to withdraw within the walls of Quebec. Fraser’s Highlanders was one of the detachments sent to cover the retreat of the army, which was effected without loss. At half-past six, the next morning General Murray marched out and formed his army on the heights of Abraham. The left wing was under Colonel Simon Fraser composed of the Highlanders, the 43rd, and the 23rd Welsh Fusiliers. The Highlanders were exposed to a galling fire from the bushes in front and flank and were forced to fall back; and every regiment made the best of its way into the city. The British loss was two hundred and fifty-seven killed and seven hundred and sixty-one wounded.

The Highlanders had about four hundred men in the field, nearly one-half of whom had that day, of their own accord, come out of the hospital. Among the killed were Captain Donald Macdonald, Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon and fifty-five non-commissioned officers, pipers and privates; their wounded were Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, Alexander Fraser, Alexander MacLeod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart, Hector Macdonald, John Macbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon Fraser, senior, Archibald McAlister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald McNeil; Ensigns Henry Munro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron, of Fassifern, William Robertson, Alexander Gregorson and Malcolm Fraser, and one hundred and twenty-nine non-commissioned officers and privates.

Lieutenant Charles Stewart, engaged in the Rising of the Forty-Five, in Stewart of Appin’s regiment, was severely wounded at Culloden. As he lay in his quarters after the battle on the heights of Abraham, speaking to some brother officers on the recent actions, he exclaimed, "From April battles, and Murray generals, good Lord deliver me !" alluding to his wound at Culloden, where the vanquished blamed lord George Murray for fighting on the best field in the country for regular troops, cavalry and artillery; and likewise alluding to his present wound, and to General Murray’s conduct in marching out of a garrison to attack an enemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where their whole strength could be brought to act. No time was lost in repeating to the general what the wounded officer had said; but Murray, who was a man of humor and of a generous mind, on the following morning called on his subordinate, and heartily wished him better deliverance in the next battle, when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a different manner.

On the night of the battle De Levi opened trenches within six hundred yards of the walls of the city, and proceeded to besiege the city, while General Murray made preparations for defence. On May 1st the largest of the English blockhouses accidentally blew up, injuring Captain Cameron. On the 17th the French suddenly abandoned their entrenchments. Lord Murray pursued but was unable to overtake them. He formed a junction, in September with General Amherst.

General Amherst had been notified of the intended siege of Quebec by De Levi; but only persevered in the tardy plans which he had formed. Canada now presented no difficulties only such as General Amherst might create. The country was suffering from four years of scarcity, a disheartened, starving peasantry, and the feeble remains of five or six battalions wasted by incredible hardships. Colonel Haviland proceeded from Crown Point and took the deserted fort at Isle aux Noix. Colonel Haldimand, with the grenadiers, light infantry and a battalion of The Black Watch, took post at the bottom of the lake. General Amherst led the main body of ten thousand men by way of Oswego; why, no one can tell. The labor of going there was much greater than going direct to Montreal. After toiling to Oswego, he proceeded cautiously down the St. Lawrence, treating the people humanely, and without the loss of life, save while passing the rapids, he met, on September 7th, the army of lord Murray before Montreal, the latter on his way up from Quebec, intimidated the people and amused himself by burning villages and harrying Canadians. On the 8th Colonel Haviland joined the forces. Thus the three armies came together in overwhelming strength, to take an open town of a few hundred inhabitants who were ready to surrender on the first appearance of the English.

The Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders remained in America until the close of the year 1761. The officers were Lieutenant Colonel Francis Grant; Majors, Gordon Graham and John Reid; Captains, John McNeil, Allan Campbell, Thomas Graeme, James Stewart, James Murray, Thomas Stirling, William Murray, John Stuart, Alexander Reid, William Grant, David Haldane, Archibald Campbell, John Campbell, Kenneth Tolmie, William Cockburne; Captain-Lieutenant, James Grant; Lieutenants, John Graham, Alexander Turnbull, Alexander McIntosh, James Gray, John Small, Archibald Campbell, James Campbell, Archibald La— mont, David Mills, Simon Blair, David Barclay, Alexander Mackay, Robert Menzies, Patrick Balneaves, John Campbell, senior, John Robertson, John Grant, George Leslie, Duncan Campbell, Adam Stuart, George Grant, James McIntosh, John Smith, Peter Grant, Simon Fraser, Alexander Farquharson, John Campbell, junior, William Brown, Thomas Fletcher, Elbert Herring, John Leith, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Donaldson, Archibald Campbell, Patrick Sinclair, John Gregor, Lewis Grant, Archibald Campbell, John Graham, Allan Grant, Archibald McNab; Ensigns, Charles Menzies, John Charles St. Clair, Neil McLean, Thomas Cunison, Alexander Gregor, William Grant, George Campbell, Nathaniel McCulloch, Daniel Robertson, John Sutherland, Charles Grant, Samuel Stull, James Douglass, Thomas Scott, Charles Graham, James Robertson, Patrick Murray, Lewis Grant; Chaplain, Lauchlan Johnston; Adjutants, Alexander Donaldson, John Gregor; Quarter-Masters, John Graham, Adam Stewart; Surgeons, David Hepburn, Robert Drummond.

At the close of the year 1761 The Black Watch, with ten other regiments, among which was Montgomery’s Highlanders, embarked for Barbadoes, there to join an armament against Martinique and Havanna. After the surrender of Havanna, the first battalion of the 42nd, and Montgomery’s Highlanders embarked for New York, which they reached in the end of October, 1762. Before leaving Cuba, all the men of the second battalion of the 42nd fit for service were consolidated with the first, and the remainder shipped to Scotland, where they were reduced the following year.

The 42nd, or The Black Watch was stationed at Albany till the summer of 1763 when they, with a detachment of Montgomery’s Highlanders and another of the 60th, under command of Colonel Henry Boquet, were sent to the relief of Fort Pitt, then beseiged by the Indians. This expedition consisting of nine hundred and fifty-six men, with its convoy, reached Fort Bedford, July 25 1763. The whole country in that region was aroused by the depredations of the Indians. On the 28th Boquet moved his army out of Fort Bedford and marched to Fort Ligonier, where he left his train, and proceeded with pack-horses. Before them lay a dangerous defile, several miles in length, commanded the whole distance by high and craggy hills. On August 5th, when within half a mile of Bushy-Run, about one o’clock in the afternoon, after a harrassing march of seventeen miles, they were suddenly attacked by the Indians; but two companies of the 42nd Highlanders drove them from their ambuscade. When the pursuit ceased, the savages returned. These savages fought like men contending for their homes, and their hunting grounds. To them it was a crisis which they were forced to meet. Again the Highlanders charged them with fixed bayonets; but as soon as they were driven from one post they appeared at another, and at last entirely surrounded the English, and would have entirely cut them off had it not been for the cool behavior of the troops and the good manoeuvering of the commander. Night came on, and the English remainded on a ridge of land, commodious for a camp, except for the total want of water. The next morning the army found itself still in a critical position. If they advanced to give battle, then their convoy and wounded would fall a prey to the enemy; if they remained quiet, they would be picked off one by one, and thus miserably perish. Boquet took advantage of the resolute intrepidity of the savages by feigning a retreat. The red men hurried to the charge, when two companies concealed for the purpose fell upon their flank; others turned and met them in front; and the Indians yielding to the irresistible shock, were utterly routed.

The victory was dearly bought, for Colonel Boquet, in killed and wounded, in the two days action, lost about one-fourth of his men, and almost all his horses. He was obliged to destroy his stores, and was hardly able to carry his wounded. That night the English encamped at Bushy Run, and four days later were at Fort Pitt. In the skirmishing and fighting, during the march, the 42nd or The Black Watch, lost Lieutenants John Graham and James Mackintosh, one sergeant and twenty-six rank and file killed; and Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, two serjeants, two drummers, and thirty rank and file, wounded. Of Montgomery’s Highlanders one drummer and five privates were killed; and Lieutenant Donald Campbell and volunteer John Peebles, three serjeants and seven privates wounded.

The 42nd regiment passed the winter at Fort Pitt, and during the summer of 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of Boquet against the Ohio Indians. After a harrassing warfare the Indians sued for peace. Notwithstanding the labors of a march of many hundred miles among dense forests, during which they experienced the extremes of heat and cold, the Highlanders did not lose a single man from fatigue or exhaustion. The army returned to Fort Pitt in January, 1765, during very severe weather. Three men died of sickness, and on their arrival at Fort Pitt only nineteen men were under the surgeon’s charge. The regiment was now in better quarters than it had been for years. It was greatly reduced in numbers, from its long service, the nature and variety of its hardships, amidst the torrid heat of the West Indies the rigorous winters of New York and Ohio, and the fatalities or the field of battle.

The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of July, 1767, when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such of the men who preferred to remain in America were permitted to join other regiments. These volunteers were so numerous, that, along with those who had been previously sent home disabled, and others discharged and settled in America, the regiment that returned was very small in proportion of that which had left Scotland.

The 42nd Royal Highlanders, or The Black Watch, made a very favorable impression in America. The Virginia Gazette, July 30, 1767, published an article from which the following extracts have been taken:

"Last Sunday evening, the Royal Highland Regiment embarked for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in America, has been distinguished for having undergone most amazing fatigues, made long and frequent marches through an unhospitable country, bearing excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness, frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that inhabit the interior parts of this province do not see, and which only those who inhabit the most northern parts of Europe can have any idea of, continually exposed in camp and on their marches to the alarms of a savage enemy, who, in all their attempts, were forced to fly. * * * And, in a particular manner, the freemen of this and the neighboring provinces have most sincerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery with which they, under Colonel Boquet, and a small number of Royal Americans, defeated the enemy, and ensured to us peace and security from a savage foe; and, along with our blessings for these benefits, they have our thanks for that decorum in behavior which they maintained during their stay in this city, giving an example that the most amiable behavior in civil life is no way inconsistent with the character of the good soldier: and for their loyalty, fidelity, and orderly behavior, they have every wish of the people for health, honor, and a pleasant voyage."

The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven years it was employed in America and the West Indies was as follows:

Comparing the loss sustained by the 42nd in the field with that of other corps, it has generally been less than theirs, except at the defeat at Ticonderoga. The officers who served in the corps attributed the comparative loss to the celerity of their attack and the use of the broadsword, which the enemy could never withstand.

Of the officers who were in the regiment in 1759 seven rose to be general officers, viz., Francis Grant of Grant, John Reid of Strathloch, Allan Campbell of Glenure, James Murray, son of lord George Murray, John Campbell of Strachur, Thomas Stirling of Ardoch, and John Small. Those who became field officers were, Gordon Graham, Duncan Campbell of Inneraw, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Graham his brother, William Murray of Lintrose, William Grant, James Abercromby of Glassa, James Abercromby junior, Robert Grant, James Grant, Alexander Turn-bull of Strathcathro, Alexander Donaldson, Thomas Fletcher of Landertis, Donald Robertson, Duncan Campbell, Alexander Maclean and James Eddington. A corp of officers, respectable in their persons, character and rank in private society, was of itself sufficient to secure esteem and lead a regiment where every man was a soldier.

It has already been noticed that in the spring of 1760, the thought of General Amherst was wholly engrossed on the conquest of Canada. He was appealed to for protection against the Cherokees who were committing cruelties, in their renewed warfare against the settlements. In April he detached, from the central army, that had conquered Ohio, Colonel Montgomery with six hundred Highlanders of his own regiment and six hundred Royal Americans to strike a blow at the Cherokees and then return. The force embarked at New York, and by the end of April was in Carolina. At Ninety-six, near the end of May, the army was joined by many gentlemen of distinction, as volunteers, besides seven hundred Carolina rangers, which constituted the principal strength of the country. On June 1st, the army crossed Twelve-mile River; and leaving their tents standing on advantageous ground, at eight in the evening moved onward through the woods to surprise Estatoe, about twenty miles from the camp. On the way Montgomery surprised Little Keowee and put every man to the sword, sparing only women and children. Early the next morning they reached Estatoe only to find it abandoned, except by a few who could not escape. The place was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation destroyed. For years, the half-charred rafters of their houses might be seen on the desolate hill-sides. "I could not help pitying them a little," wrote Major Grant; "their villages were agreeably situated; their houses neatly built; there were everywhere astonishing magazines of corn, which were all consumed." The surprise in every town was almost equal, for the whole was the work of only a few hours; the Indians had no time to save what they valued most; but left for the pillagers money and watches, wampum and furs. About sixty Cherokees were killed; forty, chiefly women and children, were made prisoners; but the warriors had generally escaped to the mountains.

Meanwhile Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Montgomery marched to its relief. From this place he dispatched two friendly chiefs to the middle settlements, to offer terms of peace, and orders were sent to Fort Loudon to bring about accommodations for the upper towns. The Indians would not listen to any overtures, so Montgomery was constrained to march against them. The most difficult part of the service was now to be performed; for the country to be passed through was covered by dark thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a small number of men might distress and even wear out the best appointed army.

Colonel Montgomery began his march June 24, 1760, and at night encamped at the old town of Oconnee. The next evening he arrived at the War-Woman’s Creek; and on the 26th, crossed the Blue Mountains, and made his encampment at the deserted town of Stecoe. The army trod the rugged defiles, which were as dangerous as men had ever penetrated, with fearless alacrity, and the Highlanders were refreshed by coming into the presence of the mountains. "What may be Montgomery’s fate in the Cherokee country," wrote Washington, "I cannot so readily determine. It seems he has made a prosperous beginning, having penetrated into the heart of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in high health and spirits to the relief of Fort Loudon. But let him be wary. He has a crafty, subtle enemy to deal with, that may give him most trouble when he least expects it." [Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II,p. 332.]

The morning of the 27th found the whole army early on the march to the town of Etchowee, the nearest of the Cherokee settlements, and eighteen miles distant. When within five miles of the town, the army was attacked in a most advantageous position for the Indians. It was a low valley, in which the bushes were so thick that the soldiers could see scarcely three yards before them; and through this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Captain Morrison, in command of a company of rangers, was in the advance. When he entered the ravine, the Indians emerged from their ambush, and, raising the war-whoop, darted from covert to covert, at the same time firing at the whites. Captain. Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged. The Highlanders and provincials drove the enemy from their lurking—places, and, returning to their yells three huzzas and three waves of their bonnets and hats, they chased them from height and hollow. The army passed the river at the ford; and, protected by it on their right, and by a flanking party on the left, treading a path, at times so narrow as to be obliged to march in Indian file, fired upon from both front and rear, they were not collected at Etchowee until midnight; after a loss of twenty killed and seventy-six wounded, Of these, the Highlanders had one serjeant, and six privates killed, and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Munro, and one serjeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and file wounded.

"Several soldiers of this (Montgomery’s) and other regiments fell into the hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan Macpherson, one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of several of his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by the Indians, and seeing them preparing to commence the same operations upon himself, made signs that he had something to communicate. An interpreter was brought. Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for a few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordinary medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to resist the strongest blow of a tomahawk, or sword, and that, if they would allow him to go to the woods with a guard, to collect the plants proper for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the experiment to be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most expert warrior among them. This story easily gained upon the superstititious credulity of the Indians, and the request of the Highlander was instantly complied with. Being sent into the woods, he soon returned with such plants as he chose to pick up. Having boiled these herbs, he rubbed his neck with their juice, and laying his head upon a log of wood, desired the strongest man among them to strike at his neck with his tomahawk, when he would find he could not make the smallest impression. An Indian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut with such force, that the head flew off to a distance of several yards. The Indians were fixed in amazement at their own credulity, and the address with which the prisoner had escaped the lingering death prepared for him; but, instead of being enraged at this escape of their victim, they were so pleased with his ingenuity that they refrained from inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining prisoners." [Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61.]

Only for one day did Colonel Montgomery rest in the heart of the Alleghanies. On the following night, deceiving the Indians by kindling lights at Etchowee, the army retreated, and, marching twenty-five miles, never halted, till it came to War-Woman’s Creek. On the 30th, it crossed the Oconnee Mountain, and on July 1st reached Fort Prince George, and soon after returned to New York.

The retreat of Colonel Montgomery was the knell of the famished Fort Loudon, situated on the borders of the Cherokee country. The garrison was forced to capitulate to the Indians, who agreed to escort the men in safety to another fort. They were, however, made the victims of treachery; for the day after their departure a body of savages waylaid them, killed some, and captured others, whom they took back to Fort London.

The expedition of Montgomery but served to inflame the Indians. July 11th the General Assembly represented their inability to prevent the ravages made by the savages on the back settlements, and by unanimous vote entreated the lieutenant governor "to use the most pressing instances with Colonel Montgomery not to depart with the king’s troops, as it might be attended with the most pernicious consequences." Montgornery, warned that he was but giving the Cherokees room to boast among the other tribes, of their having obliged the English army to retreat, not only from the mountains, but also from the province, shunned the path of duty, and leaving four companies of the Royal Scots, sailed for Halifax by way of New York, coldly writing "I cannot help the people’s fears." Afterwards, in the House of Commons, he acted as one who thought the Americans factious in peace and feeble in war.

In 1761 the Montgomery Highlanders were in the expedition against Dominique, and the following year against Martinique and Havanna. At the end of October were again in New York. Before the return of the six companies to New York, the two companies that had been sent against the Indians in 1761, were sent, with a small force, to retake St. John’s, New Foundland, which was occupied by a French force. The English army consisted of the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two companies of Fraser’s Highlanders, a small party of provincials, besides Montgomery’s. The army landed on September 12, 1762, seven miles northward of St. Johns. On the 17th the French surrendered. Of Montgomery’s Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and four privates were killed, and two privates wounded. After this service the two companies joined the regiment at New York and there passed the winter. As already noticed a detachment was with Colonel Boquet to the relief of Fort Pitt in 1763. After the termination of hostilities an offer was made to the officers and men either to settle in America, or return to their own country. Those who remained obtained a grant of land in accordance to their rank. [See Appendix, Note L.]

The following table shows the number of killed and wounded of Montgomery’s Highlanders during the war:

After the surrender of Montreal, Fraser’s Highlanders were not called into action, until the fall of 1762, when the two companies were with the expedition under Colonel William Amherst, against St. John’s, Newfoundland. In this service Captain Macdonell was mortally wounded, three rank and file killed, and seven wounded. At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers and men having expressed a desire to remain in America, had their wishes granted, and an allowance of land granted them. The rest returned to Scotland and were discharged.

The following is a return of the killed and wounded of Fraser’s Highlanders during the war from 1756 to 1763:

Whatever may be said of the 42nd, or The Black Watch, concerning its soldierly bearing may also be applied to both Montgomery’s and Fraser’s regiments. Both officers and men were from the same people, having the same manners, customs, language and aspirations. The officers were from among the best families, and the soldiers respected and loved those who commanded them.

For three years after the fall of Montreal the war between France and England lingered on the ocean. The Treaty of Paris was signed February 10, 1763, which gave to England all the French possessions in America eastward of the Mississippi from its source to the river Iberville, and thence through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico. Spain, with whom England had been at war, at the same time ceded East and West Florida to the English Crown. France was obliged to cede to Spain all that vast territory west of the Mississippi, known as the province of Louisiana. The Treaty deprived France of all her possessions in North America. To the genius of William Pitt must be ascribed the conquest of Canada and the deprivation of France of her possessions in the New World.

The acquisition of Canada, by keen sighted observers, was regarded as a source of danger to England. As early as the year 1748, the Swedish traveller Kalm, having described in vivid language the commercial oppression under which the colonists were suffering, added these remarkable words:

"I have been told, not only by native Americans, but by English emigrants publicly, that within thirty or fifty years the English colonies in North America may constitute a separate state entirely independent of England. But as this whole country towards the sea is unguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the French, these dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of these colonies for their metropolis does not utterly decline. The English government has, therefore, reason to regard the French in North America as the chief power which urges their colonies to submission." [Pinkerton’s Travels, Vol. XIII.]

On the definite surrender of Canada, Choiseul said to those around him, "We have caught them at last"; his eager hopes anticipating an early struggle of America for independence. The French ministers consoled themselves for the Peace of Paris by the reflection that the loss of Canada was a sure prelude to the independence of the colonies. Vergennes, the sagacious and experienced ambassador, then at Constantinople, a grave, laborious man, remarkable for a calm temper and moderation of character, predicted to an English traveller, with striking accuracy, the events that would occur. "England," he said, "will soon repent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection. She will call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all dependence."

It is not to be presumed that Englishmen were wholly blind to this danger. There were advocates who maintained that it would be wiser to restore Canada and retain Guadaloupe, with perhaps Martinico and St. Lucia. This view was supported with distinguished ability in an anonymous paper, said to have been written by William Burke, the friend and kinsman of the great orator. The views therein set forth were said to have been countenanced by lord Hardwicke. The tide of English opinion was, however, very strongly in the opposite direction.


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