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Throughout the period, Dr
McIntyre, despite a workload both in local politics and in his medical
profession, continued to stand as a Parliamentary candidate and
contested seats in every general election. Perth and East Perthshire was
fought in each election from 1951 to 1964 and West Stirlingshire in 1966
and 1970. Here was a clear case of not asking others to undertake tasks
which you personally shunned. None of these seats could be described as
easy targets. But, in 1971, a by-election caused by the death of Malcolm
MacPherson, the Labour Member for Stirling Burghs (Stirling, Falkirk and
Grangemouth) produced a situation which gave real hope of SNP success,
with Dr McIntyre (then Provost of Stirling) as candidate.
A significant issue in
the campaign was Britain’s attempt to enter the European Economic
Community (or Common Market as it was popularly known).
Since its inception in
1958 and, indeed, before, the issue of relations with the EEC had
divided parties, institutions and, on occasions, families, the jest was
made that political parties were in favour of the EEC when in opposition
but against it when in government.
When first mooted in the
early 1950’s, European economic co-operation, initially in coal and
steel and then, later, on a wide range of economic activity, was shunned
by UK governments.
Churchill, in opposition,
made grandiose statements about the unity of Europe, but Tory
governments of the 1950’s were reluctant to make any commitments.
Macmillan’s pro-European stance was held in check and hidden until
after the 1959 general election, when there was a sudden realisation of
the rapid progress being made by the six nations who bad come together
in 1958, after their 1955 discussions at Messina, which the UK had
attended in an off-hand posture hoping that the attempt at economic
co-operation would fail.
August, 1961 saw the
Conservative government make an application to join the EEC under
Article 237 of the Rome Treaty. Heading the negotiations was Edward
Heath, whose European credentials then, and since, have never been in
doubt. Immediately, there was an outbreak of intera-party warfare. Only
the Liberals appeared united. Surprisingly, for an economist with a
broad vision, Gaitskell was ignoring the changing balance of
international trade and competition, but he was not alone in this.
However, he and others
need not have bothered themselves in argument or conflict. Early in
1963, General de Gaulle, always suspicious of Britain’s motives,
kicked the ball right out of the park by vetoing Britain’s
application. Many politicians breathed a sigh of relief, but they
neglected the fact that, not having to take a decision, brings as many
consequences as being confronted with the stark facts of economic
reality and having to face them. Obviously, the decision was postponed,
at least until the opposition of de Gaulle was either removed or
weakened.
Perhaps, in view of
Labour’s position in opposition, it is surprising to recall that, in
government under Harold Wilson, they decided to apply anew to join the
EEC. After prolonged discussion, the issue was put to the House of
Commons and carried by 488 votes to 62. Wilson records that, "It
was the biggest majority on a contested vote on a matter of public
policy for over a century". But Wilson also noted that there were
35 Labour Members in the ‘NO’ lobby.
On this occasion, the
response of de Gaulle was more generous and the long rounds of
negotiations began and were reaching a conclusion, but not before a
general election in June, 1970 was called by Labour, which Harold Wilson
felt sure he would win. Despite the opinion polls supporting this
contention, Labour lost.
What were the SNP doing
about Europe in this period? Not surprisingly in the early years,
nothing much: due to lack of resources and time to analyse what was
going on. But, with the victory at Hamilton behind them and a quickening
of pace in the negotiations, particularly after de Gaulle’s
resignation in April, 1969, it became essential that the Party marked
out its position.
As a party which claimed
that Scotland had been unjustly treated by a fraudulent union two
hundred and sixty years previously, it was to be expected that the Party’s
attitude towards being dragged into another union in Europe without any
real say was hostile. A delegation was sent to Brussels, led by George
Leslie, and composed of Winnie Ewing, Douglas Crawford and James
Halliday. The claim is made that: "The most important thing that
the delegation achieved was successfully to draw attention to the fact
that the Scottish National Party was again serving notice on the other
countries of Europe that there was a strong and growing movement in
Scotland for independence and that a Scottish Parliament would not feel
itself bound by any treaties and agreements entered into on behalf of
the people of Scotland by any British Government".
Willie Wolfe had become
Party chairman in 1969 and saw fit to express the opinion that,
"The SNP delegation which went to Brussels has confirmed our view
that it is the aim of the Common Market to establish political
domination of the whole of western Europe and to tolerate no deviations
from this line. The Common Marketeers of today are as much doctrinaire
centralists as their opposite numbers in the Kremlin in Moscow
It is no accident that
the English parties have indicated their strong wish to go into the
Common Market. To do so is a logical continuation of their centralist
thinking which has been so damaging to Scotland’s people and to
Scotland’s economy".
While this outburst is
understandable, because the EEC played little part in the 1970 general
election, and when the issue was discussed, it revolved round the
acceptability or otherwise of terms which had yet to be finalised, the
SNP stance brought no discernible electoral benefit in the immediate
term.
However, the by-election
in Stirling Burghs was to bring the issue to the fore and, among other
aspects which it highlighted, was that the SNP’s assertion that the
English parties had a strong wish to "go into the Common
Market" was far from the truth. Even a brief insight into the
machinations of the Parliamentary Labour Party after the June, 1970
election would have dismissed this concept.
Confrontation is the
order of the day, almost every day without exception, in the House of
Commons. The "Ins" sit on the government benches and the
"Outs" face them across a narrow oblong debating chamber, two
sword lengths apart to keep them from fighting. Party discipline has to
be maintained and, both in government and in opposition to disobey his
whip and to flout an agreed party voting stance, invites not only
disdain but also generally considerably reduces chances of office.
Harold Wilson took a long
time to recover his nerve after the election defeat, and his situation
was not helped by his Party’s divisions over entry into the EEC.
Heath, as Tory Prime Minister, had sent Geoffrey Rippon to conclude
negotiations and to bring back terms which would be put to the House of
Commons. |
