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We have been charged with
calling ourselves Scotch-Irish, instead of Irishmen, because we are
ashamed of our country. I frankly admit that I have often in the old
country said, "I am an Irishman who am ashamed of my country," and I have
given as the reason, because my countrymen were often too fond of whisky
and too fond of fighting. But we acknowledge that it is our country, and
we acknowledge our share of responsibility for its condition. Nor are we
sorry that we have affinity with Ireland and with all Irishmen, for in
many respects it is one of the most beautiful countries in the world, and
the sons of Ireland of every section and party have won their way to
honor. One of the pleasant features of our Congress is that it brings us
Irishmen together just as some of us were wont to meet across the sea.
Yesterday when we sat around Dr. Hamilton's dinner-table in Louisville, I
suggested that we should imagine we were back in Belfast, as the same
party used to be assembled around Dr. Macintosh's table in that city, and
that we could see the Black Mountain from the window. We had already seen
the Cave Hill on the street-cars, for you have a Louisville Cave Hill, but
not, I fear, like the famous mountain with Napoleon's face that overlooks
Belfast. When we return to our old country, it is very sad to. miss so
many of the dear friends whom we used to meet. But here we find our
friends, as it were, resurrected; the children and grandchildren of our
kith and kin coming from all parts of the land to greet us, and our old
home feeling is stirred up within us as if we were all back again in
Ireland. When in the old home, we used to symbolize our patriotism by the
shamrock, the rose, and the thistle twined together, and we loved, and
still love, all the countries that were so united. But when transported
across the ocean, we have left out the rose; for though I still love
England and Englishmen, I must acknowledge that England has, by her
misconduct, forfeited our allegiance. I understand that I am still
entitled to vote for a member of the British Parliament (I am now
represented by Sir John Lubback), and I sometimes receive appeals to
support particular candidates, or to join remonstrances for or against
Home Rule; but I refuse to meddle with such matters because I have
renounced my former allegiance. We are no longer British subjects but
American citizens. In a historical sense we retain the names of Scotland
and Ireland, and our badge still bears the thistle and the shamrock; but
we are now the Scotch-Irish of America, and we desire to have the term
"America" written large in our name. We are not a political party; but we
have severally our political affiliations, and we claim to be the friends
and brothers of all American citizens of all nationalities. We are not a
sectarian society, but we have severally our denominational affinities,
whilst we claim, all of us, to be Christians and to love as brethren in
the Lord all Christians of whatever particular sects and languages and
colors.
Some people have of late
been discussing the question of a national American plant, and many
suggestions have been made on the subject. But whether we like it or not
there is an important plant which shall be associated with America in the
mind of the civilized world; this is the maize, or Indian corn, a native
of the New World, now going forth to occupy all lands that have warm
summers. I have been charged by a worthy lady to advocate the corn as the
symbol of our country, and this I can do with all confidence. More than a
century ago the Scotch-Irish Gov. Logan, of Pennsylvania, carried on
scientific observations on the fertilization of maize, and since that date
many other eminent botanists have made it the subject of their
experiments, so that it is a plant of singular scientific value. Then,
like the American race, it has been extending itself over many lands; it
is one of these diffusive American institutions which by moral means are
extending. Well do we remember, in the year of famine in Ireland, the
little steamboats that came up the river with their loads of Indian corn
to save the lives of the Irish people. There is a majesty and beauty,
associated with a utilitarian force, in this plant that makes it a fitting
emblem of our nation. And such as the American nation is as a whole, such
especially is its Scotch-Irish element, facing and overcoming
difficulties— extending its influence. We are to hear at our Congress
about a larger domain of the race than we have been hitherto talking
about—of the Scotch-Irish among the nations. Now I have great respect for
the Monroe doctrine in so far as it declares that we shall not form
entangling alliances with other political powers. But we have no respect
for any politics that would ignore our duty to other nations. We do not
regard patriotism as an effort to exalt ourselves by degrading others; but
our view of patriotism is that, whilst our country of America shall have
the first place in our hearts and efforts, we shall also try to elevate
other countries. And our great republican institutions are, by the force
of moral example, raising other peoples on this side and across the ocean.
In this great mission of free social influences we are pleased to know
that the Scotch-Irish of America are bearing their part. A friend who
hails directly from Scotland was lately asking me to have our Society so
constituted as to admit himself and others of his nation. Now we honor
Scotland for its heroic fidelity to great principles, and I have a
personal regard for my Scottish friend; but all the same our Society is
not for Scotchmen, unless they show their good sense and qualify for
membership by marrying Scotch-Irish wives. We have, however, a common call
upon us all, independently of our societies and parties, the call of
patriotism that we may prefer the welfare of our whole people before the
pleasures of any of us individually or of any party among us. And I was
not long in this country until I saw something that proved how strong this
patriotism is, notwithstanding all our internal struggles. For the first
time in its history this world saw a nation of fifty millions settle by
arbitration the grand question of who should be its chief magistrate.
Whether the decision arrived at was right or not I cannot say. But the
mere fact that such a question was left to arbitration, and that all the
nation acquiesced in the resulting award, was an object lesson which
taught all peoples that there are both patriotism and stability in the
American political system. |
