|Palladius is the next name in which the
history of Scotland runs on. He comes upon the stage as Ninian is disappearing from it.
The life and labours of Palladius are among the most obscure of which history has deigned
to take notice. We see him dispatched from Rome on an important mission to the British
Isles. We do not doubt that he arrives in due course on our shores, but when we search for
his footsteps in our country, no traces can we discover of his presence, and the first
monument on which we light of his having ever been in Scotland is his burial-place at
Fordun, in the Mearns. So shadowy a personage could have no claim to appear on the
historic page were it not that his name stands connected with a noted heresy which arose
at that period, and which was beginning to corrupt the simplicity and dim the early glory
of the Church in Britain.
then great fermentation of ideas going on at the centre of the religious world. It was now
as when the four winds of the heaven strove upon the great sea, and creatures of new and
monstrous shape lifted up their head above the waves. The appearance of Christianity had
awakened into temporary life the worn-out energies of the Pagan world. The action and
interaction of the Greek, the Roman, and the Asiatic mind, and the struggles of old and
expiring systems to graft themselves on the living stock of Christianity, and so prolong
their existence under a new name, gave birth to numerous and diverse theories in which the
Gospel was modified, or metamorphosed, or altogether subverted. Among other heresies which
arose at this time was Pelagianism.
The exposition of Pelagianism belongs to
the province of the theologian rather than to that of the historian. Nevertheless the
purposes of history require that we offer a sketch of the general features and character
of this system. It will show how the current is setting, and what are the thoughts that
occupy the men of the age, if we attend a little to this matter. Pelagianism has as its
central proposition that man's free-will is unimpaired, that no influence fetters or
dominates his choice between good and evil, and that he has all the power he ever had, or
needs to have, if he chooses to put it forth, to will and to do what is spiritually good.
In short, that man now is as perfect as Adam was when he came from the hand of his Maker.
One sees at a glance that this is a doctrine which cannot stand alone, and that it must
needs be buttressed on all sides by cognate ideas and propositions. Pelagianism sweeps the
whole field of theological science, and urgently demands that all within that field shall
be brought into harmony with itself. In other words, it demands a remodeling of the Gospel
as a remedial scheme. It is clear that a perfect man can have known no fall, and it is
just as clear that he can need no saviour. The authors of Pelagianism, therefore, felt
themselves bound, in consistency, to deny the fall in the Scriptural sense. They admitted
indeed that Adam had sinned, but they maintained that the consequences of his sin were
restricted to himself, that he did not transmit either guilt or corruption to his
posterity, and that though he died, death was not a penalty but a natural evil. They
farther taught, as a necessary consequence of their main and central doctrine, that every
human being comes into the world with as pure a nature and as free a will as Adam
possessed in innocence. So much for the back-look in the case of Pelagianism.
Turning to its forward aspect, it was seen
to have attendant upon it, on this side also, certain very serious consequences. If man is
not in bondage to guilt and corruption, where is the need of a Redeemer? If he retains his
original perfection, where is the need of the Spirit to renew him. Is he not able to save
himself? His understanding, as clear as Adam's was, shows him what is good; his will, as
unfettered as was that of the first man, enables him to choose good; he has but to walk
straight on and he will without fail inherit life eternal. Such are the conclusions at the
two extremes of this system, and no other conclusions could such a middle position have,
logically and consistently, save thesea denial of the fall on the one side, and a
denial of the atonement on the other. Pelagianism was Greek thought in a Christian dress.
The essence of the theology of Pelagius was the ethical development of man, as the Greeks
taught it, resulting at last in perfection, and attained simply by his own natural powers.
Pelagianism was the boldest defiance which
had as yet been flung down to Christianity. Its rise marks a noted advance in the war,
already organized, in which the Gospel was fated to struggle century after century for the
redemption of the race. Pelagianism was a change of front in that warin truth, a
march back to old Paganism. All previous heresies had assailed Christianity from the
Divine side, by impugning the rank or the nature or the person of its Author, the second
person of the adorable Trinity. This assailed Christianity from the human side, by
underrating the injury to man by the Fall, and representing his nature as so perfect as to
need no renewal. The policy pursued till now had been to lower Deity; the plan now
followed was to elevate humanityto lift up man into a position in which he should
not need the aids of Divine grace. All subsequent heresies have grown out of the Pelagian
root; they have been but modifications or developments of Pelagianism. But we touch the
verge of polemical theology, and must again return within the lines of history.
The Romans quitted our country about
the year 410. Their departure was followed by a century of darkness, and during, that
dreary period we are left without historic guides, or guides that we can follows, their
facts are so few, and their fables are so many. It was during this century that the
Pelagian heresy broke out. It arose at Rome, but it had for its author a native of
Britain. That author was surnamed Morgan, a Welshman, it is supposed, who, after the
manner of the times, had Latinised his name into Pelagius. Pelagius had as his
fellow-labourer in the work of propagating the heresy which bore his name an Irishman
called Celleagh, or Kelly, who too, following the fashion of the day, dropped the
Hibernian appellation, and assumed the more classic term of Coelestius. Morgan and Kelly, or,
as they chose now to be called, Pelagius and Coelestius, were the first two promoters of
this heresy. Its real author, however, if we may believe Marius Mercator, was Rufinus, who having instilled
his pernicious principles into the minds of his two disciples from the British Isles,
sought through them to give currency to his opinions while he himself remained in the
Morgan and Kelly, or as we shall
henceforth call them, Pelagius and Coelestius had arrived in Rome before the year 400.
Sound in the faith, and blameless in life, they were honoured with the friendship of the
eminent men then living in the Metropolis of Christendom. Their reputation for talent and
learning was great. Though Pelagius gave his name to the heresy he was not its chief
propagator. This unenviable distinction fell to the lot of his coadjutor Coelestius. The
latter was of noble birth; and being a man of acknowledged ability, and possessing,
moreover, the quick wit of his countrymen, he stood forth at the head of the sect as its facile
princeps, and the most successful expounder of its peculiar tenets. Jerome, who was
at Rome when the Pelagian heresy broke out, opposed it with characteristic vigour. He
could find no name to vent his contempt of it but the scathing epithet, "puls
Scotorum," that is, Scotch porridge, or Irish flummery. Morgan, he compared to Pluto,
and Kelly to his dog Cerberus, hinting at the same time that of these two infernal
divinities the "dog" was better than the "king," and the "master
rather than the disciple of the heresiarch." 
Pelagius and Coelestius went forth to
spread their doctrines at an hour dark with portents of coming evil. On the northern
frontier of the empire was seen the avenging Goth; the twilight of the Middle Ages was
already darkening the sky of the world; and more ominous still, the "shepherds"
of the church slumbered at their post. Drowned in worldly pleasures, they gave no warning
to the flocks over which it was their duty to watch. The two apostles of Pelagianism,
finding the field free to them, divided Christendom between them. Pelagius selected the
East as his field of labour, Coelestius turned his steps toward the West. The latter
crossing the sea announced to the famous churches of Africa that he had come to emancipate
them from the slavery of the Fall, and the enfeebling doctrine of man's inability to work
out his own salvation. Augustine, who was then in the zenith of his influence, was not
slow to enter the lists against the preacher of these novelties. In presence of such an
antagonist, the defeat of Pelagius was assured from the first. He failed to plant
Pelagianism in Africa, and retired crest-fallen from the field, where he expected he would
be hailed as a deliverer, and over which he hoped to walk in triumph. The churches of
Africa, even under the "Doctor of grace" might have no very clear or definite
view of the great doctrine of justification by faith as the church had till Luther
appeared; yet they were not prepared at the bidding of Coelestius, to accept a theology
which made the history of the Fall little better than a fable, and the doctrine of
original sin an ensnaring and enfeebling delusion.
Pelagius had better success in the
East. There Pelagianism was already in the air. This unhappy state of things was mainly
owing to the teaching of Origen whose views were somewhat akin to those of Pelagius. The
bishop of Jerusalem welcomed the heresiarch, and in that very city where the great
Sacrifice had been offered did a doctrine find favour which made its offering to be in
reality without purpose. In a synod held soon after at Diospolis, the ancient Lydda, the
tenets of Pelagius were pronounced orthodox. This judgment, however, was reversed by Pope
Innocent. Condemned by Innocent, Pelagius was next acquitted by his successor Zosimus. But
again Zosimus, at the expostulation of Augustine, retracted his own judgment, and finally
condemned Pelagius as a heresiarch. So little theological discernment had the synods and bishops of
those days. The Pelagian champion was bandied from council to Pope, and from one Pope to
another; he was branded with heresy this hour; he was absolved and pronounced orthodox the
next, and finally the brand was reimposed by the same hands which had taken it off.
Ecclesiastics who show so little confidence in their own judgment have verily small claim
to demand the absolute submission of ours.
Meanwhile the heresy which was being
approved and condemned by turns at Rome, was spreading in the countries north of the Alps.
It had infected the churches of France, and in that country synods were convoked to
examine and pass sentence upon it. Traveling still farther northward Pelagianism reached
at last the land which had given birth to its alleged authors. It was tainting the
theology and rending the unity of the British and Scottish churches (A.D. 420), and this
it is that now brings Palladius upon the scene. The mitre of the See of Romefor as
yet the tiara had not been achievednow sat on the brow of Celestine. This Pope and
his advisers could not but see that the opinions of Pelagius, whether true or false,
menaced the unity and stability of the Roman See, and they resolved to discountenance the
new tenets. Accordingly Pope Celestine dispatched Palladius to check the ravages which
Pelagianism was making in the churches of the British Isles, and having recovered them to
orthodoxy, he empowered him to place himself at their head, at least at the head of one of
them, as its "first bishop."Thus we read in the Chronicle of Prosper of
Aquitane, under the year A.D. 431: "Palladius is ordained by Pope Celestine, and sent
as the first bishop to the Scots believing in Christ." The man and his mission bulk so little
in after years that we might take Prosper's words as the record of a myth, were it not
that his statement is repeated and confirmed by both Bede and Baronius.
This matter throws a clear light upon
the ecclesiastical state of our nation in the centuries that preceded the coming of
Palladius, and therefore we shall study a little fullness in our historic treatment of it.
All the historians of the time agree that Palladius was sent as their first bishop to the
Scots. Bede, as we have said, testifies to the fact, and Cardinal Baronius does so not
less explicitly. The words of the latter are, "All men agree that this nation (the
Scots) had Palladius their first bishop from Pope Celestine"  The same authority again says,
"From this you will know how to refute those who allege that Sedulius, the Christian
poet, whom Pope Gelasius so much extols, had for his master Hildebert the Archbishop of
the Scots, for seeing even Sedulius himself lived in the time of Theodosius the emperor,
how could he have had for his teacher Hildebert archbishop of the Scots, seeing there was
no archbishop yet ordained in Scotland, and Palladius is without debate affirmed to have
been the first bishop of that nation." The same thing is asserted in a fragment of the "Life
of St. Kentigern." The venerable Palladius, says the writer, " the first
bishop of the Scoti, who was sent, in the year of the incarnation, 431, by Pope Celestine,
as the first bishop to the Scots, who believed."  To the same purpose the Magdeburg Centuriators, who, speaking of the fifth
century, say, "Nor were the Scots without a church at this time, seeing Palladius was
sent as their first bishop from Celestine."  With this agree all the ancient writers of our own country. "Before the
coming of Palladius," says Fordun, " the Scots, following the custom of the
primitive church, had teachers of the faith and dispensers of the sacraments who were only
Presbyters or monks."  And
John Major says, " The Scots were instructed in the faith by priests and monks
without bishops."  The current of
testimony to this fact runs on unbroken to our own day, but to trace it farther were to
heap up a superfluous abundance of proof. It does not in the least alter the meaning, or
weaken the force of these statements on whichever side of the Irish Sea we shall place the
Scots. Till Palladius appeared amongst them a diocesan bishop was unknown to them; and as
he was the first, so he was the last bishop to the Scots for a long while; for as we shall
see in the sequel, many centuries passed before a second appeared.
We come now to
the vexed question, To what country was Palladius missioned? We have no hesitation in
replying that the Scotland to which Palladius was sent was the Scotland of the fifth
century, the century in which Prosper of Aquitane wrote. The Scotland of the fifth century
was Ireland. The Scotland of our day was known in that age as Albania. For, as Bishop
Usher remarks, "there cannot be produced from the whole of the first eleven centuries
a single writer who has called Albania by the name of Scotia."  And "whoever,"
says Dr. Todd, "reads the works of Bede and Adamnan will not need to be informed that
even in their times, Scotia meant no country but Ireland, and Scoti no
people but the inhabitants of Ireland."  We have already shown that the Scots had a common
origin with the other races which descended from the regions of the north, with life new
and fresh, and ideas unfettered by the past, to begin the modern times on broader
foundations than the Greeks and Romans which preceded them.
We take it as a matter about which
there call hardly be any doubt that Palladius was sent to Ireland. There were at that time
no Scots in Scotland. Pioneer bands of Scots had before this crossed the channel and
planted themselves in the mountains of Argyleshire. They were welcomed by the Picts for
the sake of the aid they brought them in the forays and raids in which they indulged. Pict
and Scot fought beneath the same banner against their enemies the Romans, or joined their
arms not infrequently in a common onslaught on their neighbours the British, on the other
sidle of the Roman wall. But, as we have already said, the Romans, a little before this
time, had succeeded in sowing dissension betwixt the Scots and the Picts, and the result
was that the Scots had found it convenient to quit Scotland, or had been driven out of it
by force. The mission of Palladius took place in the interval between their expulsion and
return, and this makes it undoubted that the Scots, to which Celestine, in A.D. 431 sent
Palladius as their "first bishop," were those in Ireland, the Scotia of that
day. Prosper says, in almost so many words, that Ireland was the scene of Palladius'
mission, when he writes in another place,"Having ordained a bishop to the Scots,
while he (Celestine) studied to preserve Roman Britain Catholic, he made the barbarians
island Christian.''  The words of Prosper may indeed be held to apply to the northern
and barbarian part of Scotland in contradistinction to its southern and Roman portion, but
it is much more probable that he has Ireland in his eye.
On the showing of Prosper then, the Scots
in Ireland were already believers in Christ. We do not see what should hinder Ireland
receiving the gospel as early as England and Scotland. It is nearer to Spain, where
Christianity was planted in the apostles' days, than Scotland is. The navigation across
from Cape Finisterre, the ancient Promontorium Celticum, to the south of Ireland is direct
and short. The coasts and harbours of Ireland, Tacitus informs us, were better known in
his day to the foreign merchant than those of Britain. Traders from Cartage and North
Africa and even from the more distant Levant frequently visited them. If the merchant
could find his way to that shore why not also the herald of the Gospel? That Ireland
should remain unchristianised till the fifth century is incredible, we might say
impossible. From Ireland came Coelestius, bringing with him from thence a pure faith to
have it corrupted at Rome. From that same country came yet a greater theologians and
scholar, Sedulius, that is Shiel. Sedulius, who was a contemporary of Coelestius, was
amongst the most accomplished divines of his day: he was an elegant Latin poet, and a
zealous opponent of Pelagianism. "Sedulius the presbyter," says Trithemius,
"was a Scot." He speaks of himself as "Sedulius Scotigena," that is, a
born Scot. Having left the Scotia of that day, Ireland to wit, he traveled over France and
other countries, and ultimately settled in Italy, where his rich erudition and his
beautiful genius gained him many admirers. His hymns, Dr. Lanigan informs us, were often
used in the church services, and among his prose writings is a commentary on all the
epistles of Paul, entitled " Collectaneum of Sedulius, a Scot of Ireland, "a
work not unworthy of taking its place in any Protestant theological library of our day. A
church that could send forth a man so richly endowed with the gifts of genius and learning
must have held no mean place among her sisters of the fifth century.
But the Scots of Ireland had opened
their ears to the syren song of Pelagianism, and were being lured into a path which
promises much at its beginning, but is bitterness in the end, that of one's saving one's
self. Celestine seeing the danger to which they were exposed, sent Palladius from Rome to
lead them back into the old ways. So has it been assumed, though no ancient writer says
that Palladius came to combat Pelagianism. The pontiff had another end in view, though
less openly avowed, that of breaking the Scots to the curb of a Roman bridle and
preventing them escaping from under his crozier in days to come. The Scots probably
divined the real purpose underlying Celestine's affected concern, and hence the cold
reception they appear to have given his missionary. From the time that Palladius sets out
on his journey, we obtain only dim and shadowy glimpses of him. No bishop or church
salutes him by the way. We pursue the dubious steps of this "first bishop" of
the Scots through the fragmentary notices of successive chroniclers, only to to find that
he is enveloped in the haze of legend, and we are conscious of a touch of pity for one who
had come so far, and encountered such a diversity of fortune, in quest of a miter, at
least a diocese, which after all he failed to find. The earliest Irish traditions indicate
Wicklow as the place where Palladius landed.  From this point he turned his steps inland. But again we lose all
track of him. He makes no converts that we can discover. He finds no flock over which to
exercise his episcopal authority, or flock willing to receive him as their shepherd.
The authorities that follow tell us in
plain words that the mission of Palladius was a failure, and that the same year that saw
him arrive in Ireland saw him take his departure from it. Those of the inhabitants of that
country who were already Christians declined his authority, being jealous probably of his
having come to impose a foreign yoke upon them, and a yoke which above all others they
detested, and with good reason. From Rome the Scots had received nothing but war and
persecutions. They dreaded her missionaries not less than her soldiers. It had cost then
much suffering to resist the imposition of her political yoke, and they were in no humour
to bow their necks to her ecclesiastical tyranny. Rome they had come to regard as the
symbol of intrigue, of force, and of boundless ambition. Her bishops, they knew, were
following in the footsteps of her emperors, and were seeking to grasp the universal
government of the church and to become the one bishop of the ecclesiastical world as
Caesar had been the one king of the political. Such were the feelings with which the Scots
of that day were inspired towards Rome. It is probable that Palladius had not been an hour
in their company till he discovered how the matter stood, and saw, that in no character
could he approach the Scots which would be less welcome or more ungracious than that of
missionary or bishop of the Pope. Like the raven from the ark; he goes forth from the foot
of the pontifical chair, but he returns not, and the explanation of the matter lies in the
point we have statedScotch mistrust of Romish envoys.
As regards those of the inhabitants
of Ireland who were still Paganthat is, the descendants of the race that were found
occupying the county when the Scots arrived in it, "God hindered him "that
is Palladiussays the first Life of St. Patrick, "for neither did those
fierce and savage men receive his doctrine readily, neither did he himself wish to spend
time in a land not his own, but returning hence to him that sent him, having begun his
passage the first tide, little of his journey being accomplished, he died in the territory
of the Britons." 
The Scots declined to receive him, and
Pagan Ireland he did not evangelize. Palladius was not the man to do this. He lacked the
faith and courage requisite for such a work. Pope Celestine could elevate him to the
dignity of the miter, he could not crown him with the higher glory of converting Ireland.
The old Druidic priesthood of that island was still powerfulmore powerful than in
either England or Scotland. The Romans were great iconoclasts when Druidic oaks or altars
were concerned; and hence a vast demolition of stone circles and sacred groves in Britain
and Caledonia; but the Romans had never been in Ireland; and as a consequence, no ax or
hammer had been lifted up upon the consecrated trees, and the sacrificial dolmens of that
land, unless it might be that of some iconoclastic Scot, and so the priesthood of Ireland
retained much of its ancient influence and power. This made the task of Christianising
pagan Ireland a formidable one indeed. When Palladius shook off the dust from his feet
against the Scots who had rejected him as their bishop, as manifestly they did, he might
have turned to the pagan Irish, but his heart failed him, when he thought how hazardous
the enterprise would prove. The Anakim of Irish paganism were "fierce and
savage," says an old chronicler Muirchu, "and ready to wash out in blood any
affront that might be offered to their Druidic divinities," and so Palladius leaving
"those few sheep in the wilderness," he had been appointed to feed, turned and
fled front a land which, doubtless, it repented him he ever had entered. "He crossed
the sea," says the authority quoted above, "and ended his days in the
territories of the Britons."
In the second and fifth Life of
St. Patrick, a similar account is given of the mission of Palladius, with this
exception, that "the territories of the Britons" is changed into "the
territories of the Picts."  The precise spot in the territories of the Picts where the
ill-fated deputy of Pope Celestine died is fixed by another ancient biographer. The
Scholia on Fiacc's Hymn, given by Colgan in has collection of the Lives of St. Patrick,
speaking of Palladius, says, "He was not well received by the people, but was forced
to go round the coast of Ireland towards the north, until, driven by a great tempest, he
reached the extreme part of Moidhaidh towards the south, where he founded the Church of
Fordun, and Pledi is his name there." In harmony with these statements is a still later biography,
of date probably about A.D. 900. This writer makes the death of Palladius take place at
Fordun in Scotland, and adds a few particulars not found in the other accounts. He says,
that Celestine, when he missioned him to Ireland, committed to him the relics of "the
blessed Peter and Paul," that he disembarked at Leinster, that he was withstood by a
chief named Garrchon, that, nevertheless, he founded three churches, depositing in them
the bones of the apostles, and certain books which the Pope had given him, and that,
"after a short time, Palladius died on the plain of Girgin, in a place which is
called Fordun." Girgin or Maghgherginn was the Irish name for the Mearns.  One of his biographers, not unwilling, perhaps, to put
honour on one who had borne so many humiliations, states that Palladius "received the
crown of martyrdom" at Fordun. Even this compensation was denied him in all
probability, for the southern Picts of that age were Christian.
The mission of Palladius is a tangled
though interesting story. It is to the Scots in Ireland that he is sent, and yet it is
among the Picts of the Mearns only that we find any monuments of him. If Palladius set
sail from Ireland to go to Rome, his first port of disembarkation would be Wales, or the
north of France. Instead, we find him arriving on the eastern coast of Scotland. This was
to go a long way out of his road if he wished to return to the eternal city. There must
have been some reason for this. Palladius would naturally be in no hurry to appear before
his master. He had nothing to tell Pope Celestine, save that his mission had failed: that
the Scots whom he hoped to bring to his apostolic feet had repulsed him as their bishop,
and that the pagan Irish still clung to their idols. Palladius might think it well to let
another carry these unwelcome tidings to Rome. Meanwhile, as some of his biographers hint,
expelled by Garrchon, he set out northward in the hope of finding in some other part of
Ireland a tribe who might bid him welcome, and whose conversion to the Christian faith
might extend the glory of the Papal See, and redeem his own mission from total failure.
Nor is there any improbability in the statement that while so engaged he was caught in one
of the Atlantic storms, and carried through the Pentland Firth, and along the coast of
Scotland southward, and finally landed on the shore of Kincardineshire. Whatever the
causes that operated, and these it is now impossible to discover, there can be no doubt
that Palladius after years of wanderings, pursued now by fierce Irish chieftains, and now
by the tempests of the sky, took up his abode at Fordun in the Mearns; and there, near the
spot where, according to one theory, Galgacus made that noble stand which checked the
northward advance of the Romans, did the first bishop sent from Rome to the Scots, also
terminate his career, and spend his last years, most probably, in peace.
The village of Fordun is situated on
a spur of the Grampians, looking sweetly down on the well cultivated plains of the Mearns,
doubtless less fertile then than now. This is the spot which gave rest to the
"traveled feet" of Palladius. All the ancient chroniclers say so with one voice.
And if the singular unanimity of their testimony needed farther corroboration we have it
in the chain of evidence, partly monumental, and partly traditionary, that comes down from
Palladius' day to our own. In the churchyard of Fordun is a little house of most ancient
aspect. Its thick wall, low roof, and small window, through which the sun struggles with
no great success to dispel the darkness of the interior, make it more like a cave than
sanctuary. This edifice, which one can well believe was reared in the days of Palladius,
enjoys the traditional reputation of being his chapel. Here, it is said, the image of the
"saint" was kept, which crowds of pilgrims from the most distant party of
Scotland, year after years, came to worship. So does Camerarius affirm on the authority of
Polydore Virgil. And so, too, does Baronius. He tells us that "they highly honoured
the relics of Palladius which are buried in the Mearns, a province of Scotland.''  In the corner of the manse
garden is a well that goes by the name of Paddy's well. 
And the market held yearly at Fordun is
styled Paddy's fair, or, in the vulgar speech of the district, "Paddy Fair."
This last is the strongest proof of all that a church and festival in honour of Palladius
once existed here. The festivals of the Roman church were always followed by a fair, and
sometimes they were festival and fair in one. At the Reformation they were abolished in
their religious character of a festival, but retained in their secular form of a fair, and
so here the festival is dropped, but the fair is continued. 
One other circumstance in the story of
Palladius must we notice. It is surely touching to reflect that in the spot to which the
"first bishop to the Scots" came to breathe his last, one of the earliest and
noblest of our reformers first saw the light. Lying sweetly in the valley beneath Fordun,
about a mile off, is Pittarrow. Fordun and Pittarrow! The first gave a grave to Palladius;
the second a cradle to George Wishart.
1. Mor is the Welsh word for sea,
which is Pelagus in Latin.
2. Coelestius is the Latin for Celleagh.
3. See Dupin under Mercator.
4. O'Conner, Rerum Hibernicarum,
vol. i., Prol. i., p. 74; Baronius Annal, cent. v.
5. All three judgments are infallible on
the principles of the Syllabus of 1864, and the decree of the Vatican Council of 1870.
6. Ad Scotos in Christum credentes
ordinates a Papa Celestino Palladius, et primus episcopus mittitur.Prosper Chron.,
7. Primum vero eam gentem a CŠlestino papa
episcopum habiusse Palladium omnes consentiunt.Baron. Ann. 42D, Tom. vi., p. 587.
8. Ex his autem habes quibus redarguas
asserentes Sedulium Christianum poetam quem tantopore Gelasius laudat habuisse
prŠceptorem Hildebertum Scotorum archiepiscopum: etinam cum ipsŠ Sedulius ad Theodosii
imperatoris tempora referatur quo modo usus esse potuit Hildeberto, Scotorum Archiepiscopo
preceptore, si nullus adhuc ordinatus erat in Scotia archiepiscopus et Palladius absque
controversia primus dicatur ejus gentis artistes. Ibid.
9. Bishop Forbes, Life of St. Kentigern,
Historians of Scotland, vol. v. p. 1.26.
10. Centur, Magd., vol. ii., cent.
v. cap. 2, p. 10. BasileŠ, 1624.
11. Ante cujus (Palladii) adventum habebant
Scoti fidei doctores, ac sacramentorum ministratores, prerbyteros sulummodo vel monachos,
ritum sequentes ecclesiŠ primitivŠ.Fordun, lib. iii. c. 8.
12. Per sacerdotes et monachos, sine
episcopis Scoti in fide erudiebantur. Major, Die Gestis Scotorum, lib. ii., cap. 2 , p.
53. Edin. 1740.
13. Usher, De Primord, c. 16.
14. Todd, Life of St. Patrick, p.
15. Et ortlinato Scotis episcopo, dum
Romanam insulam studet servare Catholicam, fecit etiam barbaram Christianam. Prosper,
Cont. Collat., A.D. 432. See Skene's Celtic Scotland, " vol. ii., p. 5.
16. The Scholia on Fiacc's Hymn. Original
Irish in the MS. at St. lsidore's Convent, Rome.
17. Written by Muirchu about A.D. 700, and
preserved in the Book of Armagh, A.D. 800.
18. Dr. Todd, Life of St. Patrick,
19. Ibid., p. 290.
20. Todd, Life of St. Patrick, pp.
294, 295, Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. ii., pp. 27-29.
21. Magno honore prosequentes ejus
reliquias in Mernia ScotiŠ provincia collocatus. Baron., Annal. Ann., in. 31,
cent. v., c 2.
22. Statis. Acct. of Scotland, vol.
iv., p. 499. We quote the "Statistical Account" at the same time we may state
that we, ourselves, have seen and examined on the spot the objects we describe above.
23. Dr. Skene, who is unwilling to admit
that Palladius was ever in Scotland, in his learned work, Celtic Scotland,
assumes that the church at Fordun was built by Teranus, a disciple of Palladius, and
dedicated to his master, and that he brought his master's relics from Ireland or Galloway
to Fordun: a not very probable assumption.
Pelagianism began in Rome. It
is the very foundation of the Papacy. At that time a Man began to exalt himself as God and
sit in the temple of God calling himself God. Morgan and Kelly were but dupes in
this Great Apostasy (II Thess. 2:4).
After the expulsion of
Palladius we can't help but feel that he headed to Alban and the church that sent St.
Patrick to Ireland, to find some way to stop the evangelisation of Ireland. St. Patrick
tells of certain elders who came from Britain with an accusation of a sin that he
had committed at 15. It almost destroyed the ministry of Patrick as he tells us in his Confession.