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Beyond the greed, the pride, the
insolence and the pretensions
of those who rule us by
force and fear and fraud, there is a living
Almighty God who knows the
dark mysteries of evil in the hearts
of men. I know his
justice, truth and righteousness will reign and
endure for ever …
I believe the cause
delaying our liberation may be found in ourselves,
in our reluctance to
assert our rights and frontally confront the
forces of evil. We are
afraid to die and our fear has immobilized us.
We have forged our own
chains with our cowardice.
Senator Benigno Aquino
Having already seen much
of south-east Asia, my first impressions of the Philippines were, “this
is not Asia, - this is Latin America”. The combination of American
and Spanish influences on the islands of the archipelago dubbed “the pearl
of the orient”, has led to the growth of a culture that resembles Mexico
or Hawaii more than the far east. The standing joke of Filipinos is that
their nation emerged after spending 300 years in a Catholic convent, and
50 years in Hollywood ! Filipinos are delightful people; - friendly,
out-going, happy, hospitable, and with a care-free attitude to life, even
when poor and disadvantaged. They are more willing to travel abroad for
work than most Indonesians, Malaysians or Thais, and as a result you will
find communities of emigrant workers in Hong Kong, Singapore, Kuala
Lumpur, Tokyo, Rome, Vienna, Frankfurt, Paris, London, and throughout
Canada and the USA. Earnings sent home by Filipinos working overseas, are
the largest source of national income for that country.
There is practically no
cultural or trade connection now between the Philippines and Spain, except
that a course in the Spanish language is compulsory for many university
degrees. Though I met many Filipino graduates from the Spanish course, I
could not get any of them to speak a single sentence in Spanish.
Relations with the United States, in contrast, are active and vital for
the country. To many Filipinos, a working visa to the USA is akin to a
ticket to paradise ! Yet there is a strong latent resentment against the
former colonial occupier which supported oppressive dictators like Marcos,
and paid little attention to the poor peasants who suffered under his
rule. The more educated of the people dislike the intimidation of US
governments which regularly pressure the country to toe the US foreign
affairs policy line. The most common description applied to America in
that respect, is that of a bully.

Map of the Philippines
Its economy is stagnant,
and it is difficult to understand why. Corruption is probably no worse or
no better than in other parts of the East. The people are intelligent and
hard working. The islands are blest with good natural resources. There
is timber, sugar cane, coconut, pineapple, banana, livestock and fish.
Local mechanical skills and ingenuity are seen in the ubiquitous
“jeepney” vehicles, and the “bancas” and ‘pump boats’ used for
water transport. One reason for the decline in industry may be that
multi-nationals find
labour
cheaper and more compliant in China and
other parts of the
region.
An Icelandic
colleague who worked many years for the UN once said to me that in Sri
Lanka he observed socialism at its worst, and in the Philippines he saw
capitalism at is worst. Like most generalisations it was only true in
certain respects, and to be fair to both countries, there are others that
are not far behind them in poor governance. Certainly the Philippines has
a real Laisser Faire attitude to business. That business freedom however,
is manipulated by an over-strong central government that has long been
ridden with cronyism. Some thought that the country did well under
Marcos, but in hindsight it was only his family and close business
colleagues that profited. National economic decline began with Marcos
before 1970, and has continued since.
Before going
on to discuss the country’s recent turbulent political history, let me
share some personal experiences that might give a flavour of the lovely
land and its happy, outgoing people. They are natural extroverts, most of
them being able to speak or perform in public without being self-conscious
or embarrassed. During my first week in Manila, I wandered into a small
café for a light lunch. It so happened I was the only customer in the
place when I sat down. A young girl appeared from the kitchen, and eyeing
me carefully, began to sing and gesture and move around, as if performing
on the stage. She went through the whole act, then when finished, turned
and ran back inside the kitchen. I assumed that her performance had been
the result of a dare with the other staff members.

Manila city
The
relationship between wealthy families and the ‘barrio’ people in their
areas, is somewhat paternalistic. I observed this on the island of
Marinduque where I had gone to discuss some low-cost water filtration
systems. We were received and entertained by Mrs Reyes, wife of the
Commissioner for Customs, who was the leading matriarch of the island
community. She was then involved in restoring an old Spanish church, and
we saw how she took a personal interest in the welfare of all the
workers. One young man from another province had gotten his local girl
friend pregnant, and Mrs Reyes was concerned to ensure that the situation
was handled properly and the couple encouraged to marry and set up home
there. We stayed at her house which was beautifully furnished, and early
next morning she invited us to visit and swim at, a small uninhabited
island she owned offshore. The boat carrying us took over half an hour to
reach the place, but on stepping ashore we found that her staff had gone
ahead and already prepared a breakfast of grilled fish, rice, salads,
omolettes, pandesal bread rolls, mangos and coffee. Only those who have
enjoyed a full Filipino breakfast will know what a memorable experience it
is.
But the
wealthy oligarchy of islands like Negros, the once great sugar producer,
also have a sinister record of exploitation and domination of the rural
poor, aided and abetted by the military which often is a law unto
itself. Frustrated in their attempts to defeat the NPLA, the communist
new people’s liberation army, have often taken their spite out on innocent
civilians whose sole crime may have been membership of the left-leaning
Catholic BCC, basic Christian community movement, which was led by priests
with a social conscience. Murders of peasants by Philippine army
soldiers, or by the goons employed by plantation bosses to keep the
workers in order, are reported as the work of the NPA, or if the
military’s role was clear, the victims were ‘working for the NPA’. The
plantation owners and the military enjoyed special protection during
Marcos’ time, but in truth, no President has been able to control them.
Most Philippine Presidents, in fact, come from large land-owning families
themselves.

Manila slum

Manila traffic

Typical Filipino “jeepney”
I had a
narrow brush with death in Manila in 1985. The Asian Development Bank had
recruited me to advise on a project in Sumatra, and took me to the
Philippines first for briefing. A room had been reserved for me in the
Regent hotel on Roxas Boulevard, just a few hundred yards from the ADB
office. (A new and much more lavish office complex was constructed
shortly after in the Pasig City part of the capital). There was a problem
with the hotel staff some of whom had gone on strike. I took little
notice and went to bed in my room on the 6th floor, as with jet
lag, I was quite tired. I was awakened at 01.30 in the morning by
hammering on my door, and the sound of confused voices. There was no
electric power and the telephone was not working. I rose in the darkness
and looked out the window. The Pasay City fire brigade was there, already
extending its ladder. Opening the door to the lobby, even in the
darkness, thick acrid smoke was evident. Having taken no notice of the
position of the fire escapes I realised that I would have difficulty
finding them in the darkness and smoke. A few inhalations of the smoke
would have put me out of action. So I turned to the window which was
sealed and locked. Feeling where the locks were, I beat them with a stool
till they gave way and pushed the window open. There was a tiny ledge I
got to sit on and from there I signalled to the fire brigade. The fireman
acknowledged my wave and indicated they would get to me eventually. I
went back into the room to pick up some personal belongings, but had to
climb back out the window as the room by then was full of acrid smoke.
The fire brigade ladder reached to the sixth floor and no further. I got
out safely, but 36 other unfortunate guests lost their lives. Three days
later I was allowed in to check for belongings in my room. There was
nothing to see there. It had become a charred black hole. The fire was
probably started by an act of arson by disgruntled employees, then an
unfortunately common occurence.
The
Philippine President from 1970 – 1986 was Ferdinand Marcos, an Ilocano
from the north-west of Luzon. A family museum there has an array of
photographs and memorabilia about him, - and even more about his mother
Donia Hosefa Edraline Marcos. There is only one faint old oil painting of
his father, Don Mariono Marcos, about whom little factual information is
available. Some say that he collaborated with the Japanese, and some say
that he was not Marcos’s true father. There is a school named after him
in the province. I visited it when it was in poor shape and seeking help
for expansion and upgrading. It is now a University, and the Province
appears to be thriving under its present Governor, Ferdinand Romaldez
Marcos III, or “Bong-Bong”, Marcos’s son. At a party in Quezon City I met
a classmate of Bong-Bong’s who had taken the rap for him in the UK for
some misdemeanour, and was accordingly rewarded by Marcos with a job in
his administration.

Ferdinand and Imelda
Marcos
Marcos’s
wife, Imelda Romualdez, was from the Province of Leyte. Despite the
colourful and glowing accounts of her official family history, her
background is somewhat obscure, as is the precise arrangement by which she
married the then young Senator. But I will spare readers further details
of that gossip.
Ferdinand Marcos was a
gifted and able lawyer, and grew to be a formidable politician. He built
himself an image of a Philippine war hero with a series of epic tales
which few now believe had any genuine factual basis. Marcos was elected
as President in 1968. He declared martial law in 1970 and ruled the land
with a rod of iron thereafter. Politics is a tough business in the
Philippines and rarely does an election go past without some bloodshed or
without serious manipulation of the vote. Marcos’ chief rival was Senator
Benigno Aquino who he jailed in 1970, and who was to be granted only brief
periods of freedom till he went abroad for heart surgery in 1980.
Also jailed by Marcos was
Roger (‘Bomba’) Arienda, a former radio commentator who had become a
committed Marxist and revolutionary. I visited Arienda regularly in
Muntinlupa penitentiary, south of Manila, during 1978 – 1980. At that
time he was in minimum security, but with Roger’s help I was able to visit
maximum and medium sections of the large prison that had up to 18,000
inmates. So I got to know a number of political prisoners as well as some
serious criminals including a few of those on death row. Roger had gone
through a spiritual experience in prison in 1975, and by 1978 had come to
be a remarkable witnessing Christian. Through his influence, hundreds of
prisoners were to go through public acts of repentance and professions of
faith. They built a church in the grounds of minimum security and set up
a half-way house to prepare prisoners for useful and remunerating work
outside. Some notable cases of physical healing took place under Roger’s
ministry, - but that’s another story.
I was able to get Roger’s story published in UK under the title “Free
within prison walls”. Publishers Wesley Owen sent a London tabloid
features writer, Dan Wooding, to Manila to interview Roger and edit his
manuscript. Dan went on to press work in California where he is still active.
Muntinlupa, or to give it
its correct name, Bilidad prison, was the largest penitentiary in the
country, and often operated at up to 250 % capacity. When I first went to
the Philippines there were 18,000 men incarcerated. Female prisoners
were kept in the Correctional Institute for Women in Manila city. What
struck me was the strange mixture of criminals and political prisoners,
and how wealthy prisoners were much better dressed and fed than the
ordinary inmates. Minimum security section was reasonably pleasant, and
there was almost free movement in and out for visitors. Medium security
was strictly guarded, and had decidedly unpleasant aspects to it. It held
the majority of inmates, in separate sections as prisoners of different
gangs that were identified by tattoos, had to be kept apart to keep them
from killing each other. But maximum security was grim.

Bilidad penitentiary,
Muntinlupa, south of Manila
Prison guards allowed us
in after we signed to say we accepted the risks, and once inside, they
left us. The high concrete walls topped with barbed wire, the narrow
passageways, the roughly welded strong doors, the lack of paint, and the
pervading smell of stale urine, added to to the dismal and forbidding
atmosphere. Death row where I met seven prisoners destined for the
electric chair, was as can be imagined. The seven I met were allowed out
to spend time with us (still within maximum), but I will never forget the
look on their faces as we bid farewell and returned to freedom and fresh
air and to wives and families, and they walked solemnly beck to their
cells. Some will say ‘well they deserved it for taking other lives’. But
after talking to them, it was apparent that in almost every case there
were extenuating circumstances. One strong fellow from the Visayas, Joe
Balaez, sticks out in my mind. He had killed a man in a drunken brawl,
which sounded more like manslaughter than murder. But he had also killed
a prison guard during a rebellion in Bilidad prison. Whatever the
provocation, it was reckoned that he would probably not escape the death
sentence for that second killing. But sitting beside him on a bare wooden
bench, listening to fellow prisoner Arienda speak, I could feel only pity
for a fellow human being. Would I have fared any differently had I been
born and brought up in his circumstances ? As it happened, most of the
seven I knew probably had their sentences commuted to life, and some were
released after a period, for good behaviour.
The death penalty was and
still is, in force in the country, though execution today is by lethal
injection and no longer by the gruesome means of the electric chair. The
ultimate penalty was carried out on rare occasions only even during the
Marcos era, with sentences often commuted to life imprisonment. I met one
prisoner a few weeks before he was due to be executed, and again later
after his sentence had been commuted. Apparently the warders knew the day
before that he would not be put to death, but they did not tell him as
they wanted to share the special meal that was offered to all condemned
men the night before. Understandably, the death row prisoner had no
appetite for food, so the guards tucked in and enjoyed it instead. Only
after the meal was over did they pass on the welcome news.
In the late 1970’s I led a World Bank / FAO team in
designing and planning a new university – the University of the
Philippines, Visayas, or UP Visayas for short. It was intended to provide
tertiary education for the people of the central islands, and since their
economy was mainly based on fishing, it was to focus on marine science and
aquatic subjects. Intended first for the port town of Ilo-ilo on Panay
island, it was eventually constructed a few kilometers to the east at
Miago. Coupled to the University were 7 marine institutes and 7 fishery
training centres, but they were located around the country from Aparri to
Zamboanga.

The gate to UP Visayas in
Miagao
Benigno Aquino was
released and permitted to run for election as Governor of Metro Manila in
1979. That election was also contested by Imelda Marcos. The vote count
was running 2 : 1 in Aquino’s favour when there was a general power cut
that affected most of Manila. When the power was switched on again 2 days
later, the government said that there had been a big swing in the count
back in favour of the First Lady, and she was duly appointed. No one was
surprised. Aquino was later permitted to go to the USA for heart surgery
on condition he remained out of the country.
I was present during the
visit of Pope John Paul 2 to the Philippines in 1981. This was a huge
national event which delighted the people immensely. I watched on
television as he shook hands with hundreds of official guests at a
reception in the capital. It intrigued me how he took time to speak
warmly with certain persons, and gave others a mere cursory handshake –
some of them known to be corrupt politicians. He and Cardinal Sin, the
leader of the Filipino Catholics, tried to curb the excesses of Imelda
Marcos who made a pretence of great piety. She wanted to build a church
to match St. Peters’ but they would not approve of the project.
On one occasion I sat
behind Cardinal Sin at a cinema showing of a film by the Presbyterian
theologian Francis Schaeffer of Switzerland, whom I’d also heard speak in
Edinburgh. The film covered a range of moral issues from euthanasia to
abortion. The Cardinal, a large corpulent figure, had drawn attention to
his presence by marching out to the middle of the aisle and placing his
hand on his heart during the playing of the national anthem. He also led
in the applause at the end of the film.
Another of Imelda’s
projects was construction of a Cultural Convention building and Fine Arts
Centre on the seafront area. Her project manager was a well-coiffured
society lady Helena Benites, assisted by a neice-in-law, Jollie Benites.
The project was falling behind schedule and Imelda wanted it ready for a
prestigious opening event. It was to have been an international film
festival to rival Cannes, but few of the major movie companies would
participate, and it ended up as a rather tawdry exhibition of second rate
and somewhat pornographic films. Pressure was placed on the contractors
to speed up the completion. In the haste to pour a huge central concrete
foundation, several workers fell into the mix. The contractor wanted to
halt work till their bodies could be retrieved, but Imelda and Helena
refused to delay the progress. So the building rose above the entombed
bodies. This was bad, particularly in a superstitious country like the
Philippines. To this day the building (which like many arts / cultural
centres is rather ugly), is regarded as haunted.
Jollie Benites was later
killed in a road accident when she was a passenger in a car driven by
Minister of Information Onofre ‘Odi’ Corpus. It was rumoured that they
were having an affair at the time. Many Filipinos thought her death was
somehow a revenge by the ghosts of the bodies she had entombed. I had met
with Onofre Corpus when he was Vice President of the University of the
Philippines and I was working on a World Bank financed university
project. He was one of many Marcos loyalists whose career prospered
during the period of the Marcos Presidency.
I met the President
himself just once, in 1979 when he came to address a regional fishery
gathering hosted by our UN South China Sea Programme and the Philippine
Bureau of Fisheries. He arrived on a chair supported by burly security
guards wearing barongs – the national male dress shirt. As ever, he spoke
powerfully and with few notes for the best part of an hour. As was his
wont, he made a number of Presidential declarations in favour of the
fishery sector. Such decrees were largely meaningless since they were
never backed up by genuine enforcement or implementation. The wife of the
Commissioner for Customs, Mrs Reyes, the most prominent woman on her
island of Marinduque, told me how she attempted to protect local fishers
from the incursions of large trawlers and seiners from Manila. Such was
the power of the Marcos supported private sector, although Mrs Reyes had
the law on her side, she was threatened with prosecution herself.

Filipino ‘banca’ fishing
boat
The sugar sector was
controlled by Marcos and the oligarchs of the Visayan islands, for their
own advantage. The President nationalized the sugar industry and hoarded
thousands of tons of the commodity, gambling on a rise in the world
price. Instead, it fell to record lows and tens of thousands of cane
workers lost their jobs and meager incomes. In the sugar-dependent island
of Negros, children went hungry and died as a result. On his visit to the
Philippines in 1981, Pope John Paul II spoke out against the greed and
exploitation of the sugar barons of Negros. At the island’s capital of
Bacolod, in front of the wealthy elite of the island, he said:
“Injustice reigns when,
within the same society, some groups hold most of the wealth and power,
while large strate of the population cannot decently provide for the
livelihood of their families, even through long hours of back-breaking
labour in factories or in the fields. Injustice reigns when the laws of
economic growth and ever greater profit determine social relations,
leaving in poverty and destitution those who have only the work of their
hands to offer. The church will not hesitate to take up the cause of the
poor, to become their voice, to ask for justice; … because the land is
a gift of God for the benefit of all.
The landowners and the
planters should therefore not let themselves be guided in the first place
by the economic laws of growth and gain, nor by the demands of competition
or the selfish accumulation of goods, but by the demands of justice and by
the moral imperative of contributing to a decent standard of living and to
working conditions which make it possible for the workers and for the
rural society to live a life that is truly human and to see all their
fundamental rights respected.”
However, as local
commentators later noted, the Negrense elite, like the owners of most huge
estates using poor labour, was beyond shame or guilt, and the Pope’s words
had little apparent impact on their behaviour or on their system of
exploitation.
The country is a paradise
for lawyers willing to fight the case of any crooked client that has
enough money. I recall one nautical case that concerned an inter-island
ferry, the Don Juan, that was rammed and sunk at night by a local
oil tanker in Tablas Strait, with the loss of 1,000 lives. The tanker had
no lights, its skipper was not qualified, and it hit the ferry on the port
side under its red light. In any other country the judge would have
‘thrown the book’ at the tanker skipper and owners, - but no, - instead
they heaped all the blame on the ferry skipper on the grounds that he was
carrying too many passengers, - whatever that had to do with the collision
! Interestingly, in view of the account of Negros Island, above, the
Don Juan, owned by the Negros Navigation Company, had come from
Bacolod, and had on board members of landowners’ families, as well as
hundreds of rural peasants, heading for Manila to find work, or to visit
relatives.
Imelda I met only once.
That was at the funeral of Senator Waldo Perfecto who had led national
support for the World Bank project I worked on to establish the University
of the Philippines, Visayas, which was to focus primarily on marine and
fisheries subjects. At the funeral, the First Lady was as ever, a focus
of attention, charismatic, attractive and well-dressed, and publicly
showing her condolences for the late senator’s family.
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The Philippine’s great patriot
The “pearl of the orient” venerates as its greatest patriot, a man of
remarkable intellect, integrity and ability. Jose Rizal was a doctor,
a writer, an artist, a poet, and a nationalist leader. As an
intellectual nationalist he stood in contrast with Andreas Bonifacio
the leader of the Katipunan armed revolutionary organization, and with
a host of more military nationalists from Lapu Lapu who killed
Magellan in 1521, to the young general Gregorio del Pilar who fought
against the American occupation in the early part of the 20th
century. Spain had occupied the Philippines for over 300 years, but
by Rizal’s time was clinging to pockets of power and had lost
effective control over much of the country while resisting the
nationalists with brutal force.
Rizal himself received a Jesuit education, and completed doctoral
studies in Spain, then in Paris and Germany. He also visited the USA
and England. His academic record was outstanding, and in addition to
medicine and philosophy, he excelled in languages, learning Spanish,
Latin, Italian, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic and French; plus some German and
English as well. His thirst for education extended to religion. In
Germany he wrote : “I am going from town to town, visiting schools,
parishes, churches; and after listening to a Catholic sermon, I go to
a Protestant church, and sometimes to a synagogue of the Jews”.
Back home he had been President of the Academy of Spanish
Literature, and Secretary of the Academy of Philosophical and Natural
sciences. Rizal’s writings were voluminous during his short life of
35 years, his greatest books being the allegorical novels, Noli Me
Tangere (Touch Me Not) and El Filibusterismo (the
Filibuster).
A
tagalog speaking native of Laguna in Luzon, he had witnessed
first-hand the oppression of his people including the imprisonment of
his mother Dona Teodoro who had supported the secessionist Friar,
Padre Burgos. Later when in Hong Kong, he formed ‘La Liga Filipina’,
a society of intellectual exiles. In 1892 he was exiled to Dapitan,
Zamboanga for four years, a time he used to practice medicine and to
help develop that community. He volunteered to go to Cuba to work as
a doctor but was sent back from Barcelona on suspicion of
revolutionary activities and was confined to prison in Fort Santiago,
Manila. Following a mockery of a trial he was sentenced to death,
and at 7.03 a.m. on December 30th 1896, refusing a
blindfold or bonds, he was shot by firing squad. His last words were,
“Consummatum est”. [“Consummatum
est”, - ‘it is finished’, - the last words of Christ on the cross,
from the Latin Vulgate Bible.] |

Jose Rizal, poet and
patriot
The Marcos era had begun
auspicially as he brought a degree of discipline and respect for law and
order during the first few years of his Presidency. But these
improvements began to lose respect as the corruption of his family and
cronies became ever more evident. The end of the Marcos era began with
the return of Benigno Aquino on 21st August 1983. He was shot by General
Fabian Ver’s military men as he descended the steps from his flight from
Taipei. Ver’s troops had selected a small-time criminal, Rolando Galman,
to be the fall guy. Galman was also shot, possibly beforehand, and his
body was dumped on the tarmac beside that of Aquino. Ver claimed that he
had been a lone communist activist who had amazingly penetrated the
intense airport security. Those who knew Galman doubted if a single
political thought had ever passed through his mind.
Two strange things then
happened. The military took Galman’s mother Saturnina and his sister
Marilyn into detention, and attempted to get them to support their story.
They were just simple peasant women, but they absolutely would not lie
about Rolando. The two unfortunate women were taken away by some of Ver’s
officers and were never seen or heard of again. Galman’s girl friend who
had been with him in a hotel near the airport just prior to the
assassination, had already vanished, along with her sister. The next
strange event happened some weeks later when Galman, the unknown petty
gunman, was buried, and over a million Filipinos turned out for his
funeral thus expressing their total disbelief in his guilt. Other
characters on the periphery of events were to die, including Rosendo
Cawigan, a ‘star’ witness the government produced, but who began to
contradict himself.

Benigno Aquino, murdered
by Marcos’s military on 21 August 1983
The consensus now is that
Imelda Marcos and General Ver planned the Aquino assassination between
them when they heard that Benigno was en route for Manila, as Marcos
himself was undergoing a blood transfusion that week for his liver
disease. A friend of the family told me that when he got back from
hospital the President threw an ashtray at Imelda, cutting her on the
head, and shouted that she had brought about their downfall, and had
‘killed them all’, or words to that effect.
Anti-Marcos resentment and
protest grew over the next three years. Marcos called an election in
1985, and this time he was opposed by Mrs Correzon Aquino, the widow of
Benigno Aquino. She had no political skills or experience apart from
having supported her husband throughout his political life. All over the
country, the lead-up to the election was marked by public prayer meetings
large and small as the people sought an end to dictatorship, and a
peaceful transition to truly democratic government. Aquino won the
election but Marcos refused to concede. President Reagan supported him in
this stance, but the U.S. State Department eventually got him to accept
the inevitable. The country was brought to the brink of civil war when
General Ver ordered tanks onto the street, but Filipino people came out in
their thousands to block their way to Fort Bonifacio where General Fidel
Ramos, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, and other military officers had
pledged their support to Mrs Aquino.

People power non-violent
revolution, EDSA, February 1986
Eventually a U.S.
helicopter took the Marcos’s from Malacanang palace to the U.S. base, and
from there they were flown to Hawaii via Guam. It is believed they had to
drug Marcos to get him on the flight as he wanted to go to his home
province of Ilican Norte from where he might mount a counter-revolution.
It is believed that Marcos and his cronies had robbed the Philippines of
billions of dollars. Some of the money was later located in Swiss bank
accounts and is presently being re-credited to the country, but it has
been a long, slow process.
Before leaving Malacanang
palace, Marcos held a hastily organised inauguration party, and broadcast
an acceptance speech over the radio, (since by this time, television
stations were closed to him). I read the speech in its entirety and
concluded that it was either a clever ploy to lay the basis for a possible
future return to power, - or else it was the incredible naivety of a head
of state who had listened to his sycophants for so long, that he believed
all their flattery and lies about the true state of affairs. He had lost
the election. He had lost the support of the people, the military, the
media, and erstwhile foreign allies like the USA. Yet he talked over the
radio as if none of that was real. He “accepted the honour and the
responsibility offered to him by the Filipino people in free and fair
elections”. “The task ahead of him the next five years, was formidable,
but he had the strength and courage to undertake it to the best of his
ability for the benefit of the nation.” All this while Imelda was running
around filling suitcases with gold and valuables, and wads of dollar
bills, political cronies were pressing for seats on the flight to exile,
and as American helicopters were warming up outside in the palace
grounds. It reminded me of Adolf Hitler in his bunker during the last
weeks of the war, moving symbols on maps and ordering non-existent
battalions and divisions to counter-attack the allied forces on all
fronts.
I was in Manila shortly
after Marcos’s departure. One evening, walking along the main road, Rizal
Avenue, that runs from the south end of the seafront to Fort Intramuros
and the Manila Hotel (where General Douglas MacArthur had his headquarters
during the latter part of WW 2), two truckloads of soldiers passed by.
The people on the sidewalks stopped and broke into spontaneous applause at
the site of the troops. This was in recognition of their role in the
“people’s revolution” when they refused to carry out Ver’s orders to open
fire on the people. I have never seen soldiers feted so much anywhere
else in the world, though I guess it was so for our soldiers coming home
from war.

Memorial to Benigno Aquino in Ayala Avenue, Makati, Manila. It shows
him descending the steps from the aircraft at the moment he was shot by
the Marcos military.
Corrie Aquino came to the
Presidency on a wave of popular support that many observers thought gave
her the moral authority to take some of the difficult steps the country
deeply needed. Unfortunately, she hesitated, and the country languished
as a result. It is also believed that some of her advisers (not all) gave
her poor guidance. She had to face at least one major coup attempt during
her Presidency. This was led by one of the soldiers who had been in Fort
Bonaficio with Ramos and Enrile. He was Lt. Gregoria Honasen, later a
Colonel, and afterwards a Senator. The coup attempt failed, but some
Filipinos believe that Honasen had been encouraged by the CIA and the
Reagan administration. After the coup failure, the soldiers marched out
publicly, behaving like heroes, and their leader Honasen was never brought
to court.
Mrs Aquino came into the
Presidency in such a wave of popular support, many believe she could have
pushed through the much needed agrarian and human rights reforms in her
first year in office. Initially she made a number of speeches and pledges
to that intent. But tragically she hesitated, and her land-owning
oligarchy relatives and colleagues saw their chance. Those entrusted with
justice and reforms delayed and watered down the measures proposed. In
the end the whole movement died, and along with it the hopes of millions
of Filipinos and the supporters of the “people’s power” bloodless
revolution. Several coup attempts reduced the President’s policies to one
of survival.
Aquino was followed by
Fidel Ramos, who though having some personal integrity, also protected the
establishment. He in turn was followed by a complete disaster in the
former film star, Joseph Estrada, (supported, strangely by, among others,
the powerful Iglesia de Cristo church of the Philippines). He was later
imprisoned for a period, though by all reports, he lived in relative
comfort and under a relaxed regime. Big crooks are rarely punished
properly, - only the small ones. Estrada was succeeded by a former
President’s daughter, the diminutive Gloria Magapagal Estrido whose
administration has been fraught with internal and external threats
expressed in impeachment attempts and rumours of pending military coups.
For such a lovely people it is all so sad and unjust.
What has never ceased to
surprise me is the impunity with which a small band of military officers,
police and wealthy businessmen, get involved in coup attempt after coup
attempt, over many years and through the reigns of different Presidents, -
yet still remain employed and seemingly immune to prosecution. Names like
Gregoria Hunasen and others feature regularly in these events, plus behind
them, businessmen like the Cojuangco’s. Their arrogant behaviour and
treachery would lead one to conclude that either their loyalty belongs to
another government, or they are protected by powerful external forces.
Behind every government in
the Philippines lies the power of a handful of wealthy families. They are
extraordinarily rich, and control the major corporations in the country,
like San Miguel, Mercury Drug, and the Supermarket companies, as well as
the sugar plantations, logging businesses, and mining companies. Outside
of the country there is the interest of its former colonial ruler, the
U.S.A. which regards the land largely as it does the South American states
– part of its own ‘backyard’ and of strategic military importance. Sadly
the combination of these forces too often results in the formation of
governments that serve the interests of the wealthy and powerful, and
leave the population trapped in a stagnant economy with little hope of
improvement.
Among Estrada’s many
blunders was a macho-type military incursion into Camp Abubakar, a Moslem
centre in Mindanao. This provoked MILF the extreme Moro liberation
movement into counter-attacks and a series of kidnappings. I have visited
Mindanao several times and discussed the insurgency problems with a number
of residents.
Most Mindanao Christians
sympathise with the feelings of injustice and neglect felt by the Moslem
community. Attempts by successive governments to achieve a military
solution without counter-balancing this by genuine efforts to address
economic and social problems, are doomed to failure, and succeed only in
exacerbating the problem. President Ramos developed fairly good relations
with the Mindanao Moslems during his tenure, but this good work was undone
by his successors. As Jose Rizal often observed, the Filipinos are
sometimes their own worst enemies, and the fiercest opponents of their own
true patriots.
To give an example of how
things really are in the interface between Moslem and Christian
communities, let me relate an account of a school near Zamboanga, run by a
group of Carmelite nuns. The school has both Moslem and Catholic pupils.
Occasionally the MILF exercises in the area, but they are always careful
to inform the nuns, - not that they would be hurt in any way by MILF
forces, but they might get caught in crossfire if national troops attacked
as was likely. This happened on a particular occasion. One of the nuns,
sister Filomena, was respectfully warned to get to a safe place. An MILF
soldier was to guide her. Imagine her surprise to discover that the young
soldier was one of her own students. She was taken to a safe resort till
the hostilities were over, then escorted back to her school and convent.

Zamboanga, SW Mindanao
This kind of story I have
heard recounted in a number of forms. All the Filipinos I know who have
direct dealings with the Moslem community speak of them with sympathy and
respect. That is not to ignore the atrocities that have taken place, but
to explain that the Mindanao Moslem issue needs to be looked at in the
wider context.
In his lifetime, Benigno
Aquino was often to call for reconciliation, and a sane end to the
internal conflicts in the Philippines.
The blood-letting must stop ! This madness
must cease !
think it can be stopped if all Filipinos can get together as
true brothers and sisters, and search for a healing solution,
in a genuine spirit of give and take. We must transcend our
petty selves, forget our hurts and bitterness, cast aside thoughts
of revenge, and let sanity, reason, and above all, love to country
prevail during our gravest hours.
Close on a century before Aquino’s death, another Filipino
martyr penned ‘Mi Ultimo Adios’ his farewell to his native land:
Farewell, beloved land, region of the sun caressed,
Pearl of the Orient Sea, our Eden lost,
Gladly I give you my life, sad and repressed;
Were it more brilliant, more fresh, more pure,
I would more gladly yield it for your good.
Pray for all others who died,
Who endured and suffered, and
For our mothers who shed tears,
For the orphaned, widowed and imprisoned,
That we might know redemption.
My native land for which I pine,
Dear Philippines hear my last goodbye;
I leave you, parents, loved ones, all;
To go where are no tyrants, slaves or
executioners;
Where faith lives on and God reigns all supreme.
Jose Rizal [Jose Rizal,
doctor, poet and patriot, born at Laguna 1861, died by execution in
Manila, 1896.] Farewell to
my Native Land (selected lines, translated from the Spanish). |