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From
the lone shieling of the misty island,
Mountains divide us, and a waste of
seas -
Yet still the blood is strong, the
heart is Highland,
And we in dreams behold the Hebrides
Canadian Boat Song,
authorship uncertain
(published in
Blackwood’s Magazine, 1829)
Oh Scotia, my dear, my native soil ! For whom my warmest
wish to heaven is sent!
Long may thy hardy sons of rustic toil, Be blest with health
and peace and sweet content ! And O may Heaven their simple
lives prevent From Luxury’s contagion, weak and vile!
Robert
Burns The Cotter’s Saturday Night
Having given some of my
impressions of Ireland, I guess it would be appropriate to say a little
about my homeland before talking more about foreign lands. I am one of
those Scots who can view his country both from the inside, and from
abroad. I was brought up in Scotland and have retired there. But I have
also spent most of my working life overseas, and have had to look at it
often from that perspective. When I discuss some foreign lands, I may
have the odd criticism to make of negative aspects of the culture, or of mis-rule by perverse, greedy, or undemocratic leaders. Criticism, like
charity, should begin at home. So I will have something to say about our
failures as a people, and about the failures of some of our leaders or
their administrations. I should also give credit where it is due, and
applaud the work of those who have done our country proud.
Scots are not a homogenous
people as I found when I came to know Highlanders, Orcadians, Glaswegians,
and folk from Ayrshire, Dundee, and the capital city of Edinburgh. Even
along the Moray coast where I was brought up, accents and language varied
from village to village. The Celtic Highlanders are a sensitive people,
they love music and social activities, but are never keen to push
themselves to the front. The people of Shetland and Orkney are very Norse
in their character and outlook. East coasters are industrious, thrifty,
independent thinking, and argumentative. Glaswegians are robust, honest,
fearless, and down to earth. Edinburgh folk are generally more tolerant,
and they do have a touch of the cultured attitudes comedians like to poke
fun at. However, they take it all in good humour. Ayrshire residents are
friendly and principled. Borders people are somewhat conservative and
less easy to be convinced. All of these are merely personal views and
others may have different descriptions.

Map of Scotland
If there is one trait that
I believe marks Scots society as different from England, it is that Scots
generally look down on no-one and look up to no one. This may explain how
the Labour Party grew in Scotland, and why the first Labour MP, the first
Labour Prime Minister, and so many in subsequent Labour Governments, were
Scots. The English are more hierarchal in their attitudes, which may be a
Norman or Anglo-Saxon thing. This is not a criticism. It is just that
English society generally pays more attention to class, rank and wealth,
or the lack of these appendages. This is seen in everything from
politics to humour. Mrs Thatcher for example, failed badly in Scotland
which once had a majority of Conservative MPs. She, more than anyone
else, destroyed the Tory party in Scotland. A basic reason for that is
that she thought a ‘Scottish Tory’ was the same as an ‘English Tory’. Far
from it. Scottish conservatives had very different characteristics. They
retained a strong social conscience for instance, and many of them were
embarrassed by the ‘poll tax’ Thatcher introduced. Scots humour is more
earthy and self-deprecating than the English variety. Gilbert and
Sullivan music hall productions are replete with English humour. I have
sat through a performance in Edinburgh that simply left the audience
cold. I daresay the reverse would be the case with Harry Lauder, Stanley
Baxter, “Scotland the What”, or Billy Connolly, in an English
theatre.
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Significant Historical Memories
Two historical memories that I feel mark the Scottish psyche to a
significant degree, are the “Highland Clearances”, and the
unemployment of the depression years. Both serve to deepen the
national propensity to be suspicious of government, and to view the
prospect of poverty and joblessness with some horror. I daresay those
attitudes pre-date both the events referred to since they are
prominent in the writings of Robert Burns, who despite his radical
views, possessed a bit of the gloomy Calvinistic attitude towards
life’s misfortunes. People of my granny’s generation held a dread of
having to end their days in the “poorhouse”. I recall the local
poorhouse in Elgin, - still in use in the immediate post-war period.
It was definitely not an attractive establishment.
The Highland Clearances took place between 1790 and 1850. It was
ethnic cleansing of a region, only the people were replaced with
sheep, not with other settlers. Before the Jacobite rebellion of 1745
– 46, the majority of the Scottish population lived north-west of a
line drawn from Aberdeen to Glasgow. After 1850 the reverse was the
case. Today the population of the Highlands is less than ten per cent
of that of Scotland. Following the defeat of the Jacobite army, King
William took the land from the clan chiefs who supported the rebellion
and gave it to those most loyal to him. Most of the new land-owners
were absentee landlords much of the time. But they wanted more rent
from the estates to support their lordly lifestyles in Edinburgh,
London or Paris. Along came the agricultural improvers who claimed
that keeping sheep on the land would be much more profitable than
having tenant farmers. This was music to the ears of the landlords,
the chief of whom were the Duke and Duchess of Sutherland, probably
the wealthiest couple in Britain at that time. Over a period of
around sixty years, rents were raised and those unable to pay were
evicted. Some were evicted regardless of whether they were in
arrears. The factors who zealously undertook the Sutherland’s
clearance work were Patrick Sellars and James Loch. Houses and farm
implements were burnt to prevent future use. Some of those evicted
died of exposure. Many emigrated to Canada, some being lost in the
Atlantic on that risky voyage. More died during their first
experience of the Canadian winter. Those that survived prospered.
Defenders of the clearances say that since the survivors did well
eventually, the clearances were a good, even a benevolent thing! To
this day attempts continue to defend the avarice, injustice, and
wickedness of the Clearances. [Those
with doubts about the clearances should read John Prebble’s book,
The Highland Clearances, and the powerful account by Ian Grimble,
The Trial of Patrick Sellars.]

Ruins of one of the many Highland
homes emptied
during the Clearances
The Highland people who remained were obliged to eke out a living on
small patches of land close to the sea. They began by making kelp
from seaweed, a laborious process which made money for the landowners
while the kelp market continued which was not for long. Over the
years, the remnant of the once large population developed a
sustainable survival system of mixed small-scale farming and fishing
that we now know as ‘crofting”.

John Prebble’s book
The Highland Clearances
Crofting was not, and is not, the glamorous, idyllic rural existence
it is sometimes made out to be. But it displayed the resilience and
ingenuity that often marks populations who have their backs to the
wall. The sheep that were introduced by the landlords made money
initially, but they were environmentally disastrous and their numbers
had soon to be greatly reduced.
Unemployment, and all that went with it in the 1920’s and 1930’s hit
the working class hard, and etched itself into the corporate memories
of communities in Clydeside, the central belt, and the mining
communities of Fife and Lothian. It contained echoes of earlier
memories of Victorian social conditions so eloquently described by
early socialists like Keir Hardie. The early relief measures were an
affront to human dignity and particularly unpleasant to Scots brought
up on the Calvinist principles of thrift and industriousness. There
was the poorhouse, means testing of applicants for benefit, and the
indignities of existence on a sub-economic income. Life was also hard
on wage earners whose incomes were cut back to the minimum by
unscrupulous employers.
My
wife’s grandfather, a coal miner in Shotts, in the central belt, used
to tell how the experienced miners would contract with the mine
company to work a particular seam or shaft as a team of men. They had
to know the geology of the coal face, and to be able to estimate the
amount of coal that could be extracted, and how long that would take.
If their judgement was good, and the team worked extremely well, then
each man could come out of the operation with a reasonable living
wage. After one such venture that produced well, he went to collects
the men’s pay, and found the company had reduced the rate. Asked why,
the company clerk responded that they were earning far too much from
their high output. Jimmy said, “I looked that clerk in the eye for
a period, then told him, - ‘Young man the time is soon coming when you
just won’t get men to do what we have to do to earn a living’.”
Another elderly Scots friend of mine, told me of skippering a steam
trawler fishing off Rockall in the 1930’s. He happened to check the
settling sheet after a voyage when expenses seemed unusually high. He
discovered that they had been charged twice for the coal fuel. He
went back to the office and asked that the crew be given the
difference. The office manager was displeased but released the
money. But before the trawler sailed on the next trip, George was
informed that his services were no longer required. Experiences like
these increased distrust and poisoned relations between workers and
employers. This was reflected in industrial unrest then and for 20
years after the war. |
The Clearances described
above have been well documented by notable writers such as John Prebble,
Ian Grimble, Eric Richards, and others. However, it astonishes me that
books are still being produced to deny that they ever occurred, or to
claim that they comprised a benevolent programme of action by sympathetic
landowners. At least three such books have been produced in the past 6
years (1999 – 2005). But the first major apologetic work was by the woman
who had written eloquently and courageously about the treatment of black
slaves in America. Harriet Beecher Stowe shocked the conscience of
America in 1832 with her work, Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Yet only 4 years
later she traveled to Britain where she was lavishly entertained and
applauded by the Duke and Duchess of Sutherland. She succumbed completely
to their seduction and her critical faculties evaporated to the point
where she wrote a book Sunny Memories, which completely denied the
avarice and inhumanity of the clearances.
A
highland man who had witnessed the
cruelty, Donald MacLeod, wrote a powerful response to Stowe’s book in
1857, called Gloomy Memories. The great modern writer James A.
Michener, was so appalled by Beecher Stowe’s
defence of
the Sutherlands, he resolved to write a work on Scotland, focusing on the
Clearances. He was then studying at St. Andrews and travelling throughout
Scotland. He referred to the Clearances as ‘the repulsive depopulation
of the glens’, and said of Stowe’s book, ‘It
was a remarkable instance in which a sensitive writer could see clearly
the consequences of inhuman behaviour at home, but failed to understand
equal inhumanity when encountered abroad’. [Michener’s
comments are found in the chapter, ‘Selecting a Subject’, in his
publication, My Lost Mexico, Tor, 1992]Unfortunately
Michener never got round to producing his book on Scotland and the period
of the Clearances.
The long term effects of
the social and environmental injustice of the Clearances could have been
remedied to a degree if the ideas and work of two visionary men had been
fully accepted by the post-war governments. Those men were Tom Johnston,
the Secretary of State for Scotland after the war, (and author of “Our
Noble Families”), and Fraser Darling, the gifted naturalist and
environmentalist who was hired by Johnston to examine the region and
propose measures to reverse the decline in people and resources. But the
new generation of economists and government advisers had no time for such
romantic nonsense. They saw big industry as the only hope for Britain’s
future. So Fraser Darling’s report was shelved and his advice ignored, -
just as a later British government dismissed the prophetic warnings of its
economic adviser to the National Coal Board, Dr. Ernst Fritz Schumacher,
author of “Small is Beautiful”. Schumacher believed in economics
as if people mattered, and the need to protect living nature and planet
earth.
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Scotland’s finest Member of Parliament
He died a
hundred years ago without ever achieving high office. He never had
the privilege of attending school, and was a teenager before he could
write. He worked 12 hours a day from the age of 8 to 24, first as a
bakers errand boy, and then as a miner. He was dismissed from the
mines for forming a miners union, but later became secretary of the
Scottish Miners Federation. He founded and edited a newspaper,
entitled The Miner, later called The Labour Leader.
He stood for election to parliament in 1888 and came bottom of the
list. Then in 1892 he was elected for West Ham south in London, and
in 1900 for Mertyr Tydfil in Wales. In 1896 he was arrested for
speaking at a large open air meeting in support of the suffragettes.
His support for self-government for India, and for equal treatment of
blacks in South Africa, were also cause for fierce opposition he
encountered.

Scotland’s finest
Member of Parliament, Keir Hardie
In June 1894,
in the Commons, he opposed the unanimous passing of congratulations on
the birth of the royal heir (future Edward VIII), insisting that a
message of condolence be added to the families of 251 colliers killed
in a mine explosion in Wales. Not a single MP supported him.
A devout
Christian, James Keir Hardie stated in 1910, “the impetus which
drove me first into the Labour movement, and the inspiration which has
carried me on in it, has been derived more from the teachings of Jesus
of Nazareth, than from all other sources combined”. A convinced
pacifist, Keir Hardie opposed the Boer War, and the First World War.
He organised a national protest strike, and several anti-war
demonstrations, and as a result, was denounced by enemies, and some
erstwhile friends, as a traitor. He died in 1915, some say of a
broken heart. More than any other man, Keir Hardie founded the Labour
party in Britain. In integrity, sincerity, and genuine concern for
mankind, few of New Labour’s leaders or appartchniks are fit to clean
his boots. |
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Scotland’s greatest Secretary of State
Born in
Kirkintilloch in 1882, Thomas Johnston was to become one of the most
influential of the thinkers and writers in Scotland in the first part
of the 20th century. He attended Glasgow University, and
while a student, founded the socialist weekly Forward, which he
edited for 30 years. Johnston was early on a member of a group known
as the Red Clydesiders. It included noted socialists like
James Maxton and Manny Shinwell. He was also a strong supporter and
admirer of Keir Hardie the first Labour (ILP) member of parliament.
He wrote two epic books, A History of the Working Classes in
Scotland, and the more controversial, Our Scots Noble Families,
which went through over 20 editions till he personally stopped
further publication till after his death. It is now available once
again in paperback form. Both works recount social injustice
perpetrated throughout the country’s history, and make salutary
reading for defenders of those who ruled the land or wielded power
through their titles or ownership of vast estates.
Tom Johnston
was elected to Parliament first in 1922, and again in 1935, after
which he remained an MP until the end of the war. Ramsay MacDonald
appointed Johnston as Under-Secretary of State for Scotland in 1929.
In 1939 Sir John Anderson made him Commissioner for Civil Defence in
Scotland, and in 1941 Winston Churchill appointed him as Secretary of
State for Scotland. Tom Johnston probably did more for Scotland in
that time, and in the subsequent 5 years, then any other Secretary of
State the country has had, (or any other First Minister of the
devolved government).
In 1944
Johnston established the North of Scotland Hydro Electric board which
was to supply substantial amounts of renewable energy for the
remainder of the century. He was inspired in this action by President
Roosevelt’s Tennessee Valley Authority, and its harnessing of
hydro-power.

Scotland’s greatest
Secretary of State, Tom Johnston
TJ as he was
popularly known, was Chairman of the Hydro Board after stepping down
as an MP in 1945. He also became Chairman of the Forestry Commission
and the Scottish Tourist Board, and a Governor of the BBC, but would
accept no remuneration for those services. He was Chancellor of
Aberdeen University from 1955 until his death in 1965. An avid
supporter of Home Rule, renewable energy, conservation of natural
resources, and policies to promote full employment, he was far ahead of
his time in most of his political and developmental ideas for
Scotland. He was one of the few in government that appreciated Fraser
Darling’s vision and values, commissioning his ground-breaking West
Highland Survey. |
The painful experiences of
the depression years lie behind much of the seeming obstinacy of Scottish
trade unions, and the difficult labour relations of the post-war years in
Scotland. I recall a train journey in which a Clydeside worker related
with obvious pleasure, how he had found ways to ‘beat the system’ in a
naval dockyard, and how he and his son could make good money by feigning
work in numerous ways, and by pilfering materials that were not needed. I
heard him out, and then remarked that I had put in long hours the past
week for rather little money, and that if what he said was typical of
industrial work today, - then I was not surprised that the country was on
the decline as appeared to be the case. He did not flinch or show any
embarrassment. “Well,” he responded, looking me firmly in the
face, “I don’t care. All I saw as a boy growing up in Glasgow, was
poverty, unemployment, dole queues, pawn shops and moonlight flittings.
And if the boot is on the other foot now, - good and well!” That
attitude was typical of many in the post-war period, who felt that their
families had suffered unjustly under a system that cared mostly for the
wealthy and privileged class of society.

Unemployed march during
the 1930’s
All too often, governments
ignore and stifle the protests of the poor or disenfranchised till it is
too late, and the resentment boils over and explodes in anti-social
behaviour that can cost the country dearly. So we have the present
troubles in Zimbabwe where the landless Bantu people are now taking cruel
revenge on those that have held the land for half a century and failed to
introduce any meaningful programme of land reform. I believe that much,
if not all of the hostility of Arab peoples to the West is due to a
perception that we never paid any attention to their values or
aspirations, and simply used them to obtain their oil. During the Cold
War, communists could rely on the tacit support of peasants in the
Philippines, Cambodia, Cuba, Chile and Nicaragua because those peasants
saw the United States as more interested in propping up their corrupt and
brutal dictators, than helping to improve the lot of the poor in their
country.
But here we are discussing
Scotland. There are still ghettos of long-term unemployed, and
under-employed person in our cities. For 12 years we had a family home
close to the large public housing estate of Wester Hailes. There were
20,000 persons accommodated in dreary apartment blocks that are thankfully
being replaced or renovated. I found that there was a sub-culture
prevalent in the urban estate. It embodied a hostility towards the more
prosperous world outside. That prosperity, they believed, was due to good
fortune (not hard work), and should have been shared with them. The
common lifestyle was to stay up all night and sleep during the day. Minds
were drugged by constant television and music (pop, disco or rap). And
bodies were drugged by more dangerous substances. It was all in an
attempt to deaden the pain and ease the dreadful boredom of a sub-human
existence. A most troubling aspect for me was the number of men who had
never ever worked or held down a job in their lives. And they usually
sired children that followed in their steps. Their manhood and
provider-spirit was destroyed by the years on welfare hand-outs. So they
would find an alternative source of macho spirit by showing how much they
could drink, or by foul language at times, and in worse cases, by abusing
their wives.
Yet, even in such
depressing circumstances, there were those that struggled to live above
the prevailing culture. There were some lovely homes and stable families
in the ghettos. It was far from easy for those determined to make
something better of their lives, and though they abhorred the negative
aspects of ghetto life, they sympathized with the bitterness and
resentment of those that gave in to the despair. I knew and know some who
did all they could to assist, counsel and encourage, their neighbours who
had fallen victim to violence, addiction or depression. Unemployment is
a curse, and it is made worse by a system that kills enterprise and traps
families in a net of welfare support measures that undermine dignity and
self-worth, and effectively discourage attempts to obtain work and become
self-supporting.
Ugly racism has come to
Scotland as to the rest of the UK. It has festered in the pockets of
sectarianism and ignorance, and in the ghettos of the long term unemployed
and underemployed, and has been exacerbated by the demonizing of refugees
by both Labour and Tory politicians. It was not always thus. Possibly
because there were so few coloured persons in the country, the Scotland I
knew as a young boy was largely free of prejudice towards persons of other
races.
Mohammed Gulam was the
first Asian I knew. He came to our town before the war, and went door to
door selling cheap ladies and girl’s clothes. I can still hear his voice,
in that strange mixture of Doric and Pakistani English as he spoke to my
Granny on his knees before an opened suitcase. (My mother was less
impressed with his merchandise). “Fit-a-like Nellie”, he would
say, “wanna buy some sto-kans ? Here’s a nice bloos. Fit aboot a
hade-square?”, and so on. Down at the paper shop he was a
welcome character and treated as a fellow townsman by the locals. He even
named one of his boys after a Lossie man, - Ali Gulam, after an Allie
McCleod as I recall.
Gulam, as we all called
him, persevered till he saved enough money to bring his wife and children
over. As soon as the kids were old enough, they helped out in a little
family shop they set up. The shop soon grew, and became a thriving
business. By the time he died, Gulam was a respected local businessman.
A huge crowd attended his funeral, and his grave is the largest in our
cemetery. One of his daughters married the wealthy Glasgow MP Mohamed
Sanwar. Another son became a local SNP councilor. I thought all that a
nice reflection on the humble diligence of the suitcase salesman.
Today there are millions
of Mohammed Gulams seeking a new life in the prosperous west. The refugees
and asylum seekers total around 34 million at the time of writing, -
almost the same number that were displaced after World War II. They come
largely from the Moslem states or regions of eastern Europe, the Balkans,
and the Middle East, (driven from home by conflicts in which the west has
had a major role), and hence bring cultural baggage that makes them
different from the refugees of the 1940’s who were mostly of Catholic or
Greek Orthodox background. While I advocate a compassionate attitude
towards immigrants, I believe that they should be required to learn and
respect both our laws and our values if they are to be granted permanent
residence. Multi-culturalism and political correctness should not weaken
or undermine our essential character. Unfortunately, in London and much
of the south of England, criminal gangs of Albanian and Chinese origin,
have flourished, and are terrorizing whole neighbourhoods. I also
believe that the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers would be
considerably reduced if the West began to address the root causes of their
dislocation instead of aggravating them by its haste to bomb their
countries or ignore their distress.
Like much of Britain,
Scotland saw the rise of socialism as heralding a new dawn of social
justice and economic prosperity. Successive Labour Governments did indeed
bring much needed changes (as did the Conservatives who gradually accepted
the need for those changes). The most important innovations, which were
hailed and lauded by my parents and grandparents generations, were the
National Health system, unemployment benefit, the old-age pension, free
education, and adequate housing for those who could not purchase a home.
Astonishingly, at the start of the 21st Century, it is a
supposedly “Labour” Government that is starting to dismantle or compromise
those benefits. There were however, some unfortunate aspects to the way
social benefits were administered. It is always thus with bureaucracies.
The system could be, and was, abused by those who became expert in making
it work to their advantage. One very negative aspect of the safety nets,
to me, was the “welfare trap”. Once an unemployed person was fully
ensconced in the range of benefits, it became extremely difficult for him
or her to break out of it and get back to full-time employment. Many of
those I knew who tried, had to give up in frustration because the system
penalized them as soon as they attempted to start earning money again.
While maintaining a family
home in Edinburgh in the 1980’s, I was working in S.E. Asia where the
teeming millions had no social safety net other than their extended
families and the kindness of friends or neighbours. I spent a lot of time
interviewing individuals in those poor but happy and industrious
societies. I attempted to understand how poor societies functioned and
survived despite the absence of social protection and support measures.
There is no simple explanation, but one thing became clear; - welfare nets
should not curb or discourage, personal initiative and enterprise, -
especially at the lowest levels of society. In that respect, our
administration frameworks and social measures, are far too inflexible, and
our freedom and enterprising spirit is choked by over-regulation.
President Clinton tried with some success to address similar problems with
the American welfare system.
The problems with our
present day welfare systems and the health service may relate in part to
the growth and power of management that seeks to control to a greater and
greater degree. The drive for management efficiency blinds us to the real
questions we ought to be asking; - not ‘how do we execute or control
these activities more efficiently?’, - but, ‘are these actions
really helping the unemployed or under-employed’. And ‘are these
systems and methods really the best way to treat sick people and bring
them to good health?’. The issue is analysed brilliantly by David
Ehrenfield, Rutgers University Professor, in his book, The Arrogance of
Humanism, and his paper, The Management Explosion. Rutgers
claims that the growth of the management obsession has developed over
centuries, and was depicted by Dickens in Little Dorrit, and more
humourously by C. Northcote Parkinson, in Parkinson’s Law. For
society to survive with is better features intact (and thus actually have
welfare and health systems work for the good of their clients), Ehrenfield
believes we must solve the problem of bureaucracy. But as long as we are
a power-worshipping society dominated by the myth of control, we doom
ourselves to an excess of administration and all the misery that
entails. But let us return to my homeland.
My Moray home town was
favoured as a local base by a number of politicians. Gordon Campbell,
later Secretary of State for Scotland, and made Lord Campbell of Croy
after his election defeat, lived round the corner from my parent’s house.
Winnie Ewing the Nationalist MP and Euro MP, had a house in the square
that used to belong to one of my uncles. She gave it the delightful name,
“Goodwill”. Her daughter-in-law, MP and MSP Margaret Ewing
lived in a lovely cottage on the west side of town, with her husband
Fergus, MSP for Inverness till her untimely death in March 2006. She
served the area well and was much loved by the local people. In the fifties and sixties, the Banffshire MP Sir William
Duthie, when visiting his constituency, used to stay at his sister’s
house, just behind my parent’s home, and later at the house of a widowed
aunt of mine.
Like many of the fishing
constituencies, Moray formerly voted Conservative. The mould was broken
by the Nationalist Winnie Ewing when she defeated Gordon Campbell in 1974.
It has never elected a Labour or Liberal MP as far as I know. Yet there
were many staunch Socialists in the area, including my father and all of
my uncles. In hindsight I think they were rather naïve socialists as they
lived far from the industrial belt where unionism was strong, and where
Labour Councils often performed badly. They would interpret the actions
of the Soviet and Chinese governments in the best possible light. Their
political heroes were men like Keir Hardie, the Ayrshire miner and first
Labour MP, Tom Johnston a visionary Secretary of State for Scotland, and
Aneurin Bevin, the Welsh Minister of Health in Attlee’s Government. Even
Ramsay MacDonald, despised or regarded with embarrassment by many in the
Labour party, was revered, partly I suppose because he was a local man and
went from obscurity and poverty to national leadership.

Ramsay MacDonald, first
Labour Prime Minister of Britain
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Lord Campbell of Croy
Gordon T.C. Campbell, later Secretary of State for Scotland, was born
in Lossiemouth according to several of his obituary notices. This
fact surprised me as I do not recollect him ever saying it, though he
lived in and campaigned from the town, during his period as a
Conservative member of parliament, 1959 to 1974. He was decorated for
his war service, and left the army with the rank of Major. His father
had been a Major General, and his mother was Violet Campbell the
novelist. He married Nicola Madan, who was a descendent of the great
engineer Brunel. Much has been made of the wounds he received in the
last weeks of the war. These kept him in hospital for a year, and
left him with a visible limp. He and his wife had three children, two
sons and a daughter.
Following his death in April 2005, there were a number of adulatory
obituaries, most of them by Tory party grandees, but one which was
effusive, was by the veteran Labour MP, Tam Dalyell. From all of
these it appears that Campbell was a gentleman in the best sense of
the word, and that he had the skills of a quiet but reliable
diplomat. I guess his attributes lay in diplomacy, or could have
served him well as a senior civil servant. But as a politician, he
had distinct limitations. He could appear distant, and unaware of the
real problems and concerns of ordinary people. His thinking at times
was woolly. And as a speaker, he could put any audience to sleep.
Two incidents stick out in my memory. The Sunday Post which was then
a true blue Tory newspaper, once remarked that Gordon Campbell
“could be bested in a debate by a ‘speak your weight’ machine”!
When talking to him outside his house, in 1965 about my work in the
Zambesi valley, he expressed great interest it, “because he hoped
there would be orders for boats for the Buckie shipyards, from the
Kariba fishery”. This was preposterous. Buckie boats were
powerful, modern, decked vessels made for the North Sea. They cost
then over £ 25,000. The little open Kariba canoes, however well
constructed, and equipped with a modern outboard motor, cost less than
£250 at that time. |
I took an interest in
national politics in the early 1980’s when spending a bit more time each
year at our home in Baberton Farmhouse in Edinburgh. Malcolm Rifkind,
later British Foreign Secretary, was our local Member of Parliament. He
was an excellent constituency MP and never failed to respond to any
request I made. But it was Nationalist politics that interested me, and I
got to know prominent members of that party, including Jim Sillars, Margo
MacDonald, David Stevenson and Neil McCormick (later a Euro MP). I also
became friendly with the Liberal politician Donald Gorrie, later both an
MP and MSP. Donald was and remains, a man of deep sincerity and
integrity.
I sometimes accompanied
Sillars on his speaking engagements as did a young Alex Salmond, then an
economist with the Royal Bank,
(now Scotland’s
First Minister).
When Jim won the Glasgow Govan seat from
Labour, overturning a 17,000 majority, though I was in Italy at the time,
- I was one of the first he telephoned after the count. Jim had started
out in the Labour party for whom he won Ayrshire South in 1974. He became
disillusioned with Harold Wilson and ‘London Labour’, and though being
groomed for high office, he attempted to set up a separate Scottish Labour
party, and later joined the SNP for whom he won the Govan seat. Quite
unlike his pugnacious public image, Jim was and is an extremely gracious
and considerate person, with a wonderful sense of humour, and an almost
puritanical lifestyle. He had a sharp and energetic political mind and
would prepare his positions on each issue with considerable thoroughness.
I greatly enjoyed debating these issues with him en route to and returning
from his speaking engagements in the early 1980’s.
Four political friends. My early
political heroes were mostly Labour Party pioneers.
During the ‘70’s and ‘80’s
my political friends came from other
parties. Below are four of them, from Labour / SNP, SNP / Independent,
Liberal-Democrat, and Conservative parties :

Jim Sillars, former Labour
MP from South Ayrshire, and later SNP MP for Govan, Glasgow

Margo MacDonald, former
SNP MP, now independent MSP, Edinburgh

Donald Gorrie, OBE, former
Liberal Democrat MP and MSP, Lothian

Sir William S. Duthie, OBE,
Conservative MP for Banff, with my mother
at a fishermen’s mission sale in 1965.
An odd coincidence
occurred in Sumatra in 1985, when I had been posted there by the Asian
Development Bank, to advise a bank-financed project that had fallen well
behind schedule. The project, based in Padang on Sumatra’s west coast,
was to construct a fishing port, three harbours, 300 fish farms, and
fleets of offshore tuna trollers, and inshore canoes. I arrived late one
Saturday night in February of that year, and was allocated a small guest
house as a residence. It was practically bereft of facilities, so I went
down-town to a Chinese-owned store to buy a short-wave radio. I got back
to the house as it was getting dark, and plugged the radio to the electric
socket. I fiddled with the tuning knob till I found the BBC overseas
service. The first voice that came booming over the transistor radio was
that of my good friend Jim Sillars. He was speaking up for Scottish
miners who had been on strike to protest pit closures, and who were then
being victimized by the Thatcher government in ways that went far beyond
legal justice.
What brought about the
surge of interest in national politics was the asset stripping of
Scotland’s wealth by its big brother England, and later by its rich uncle
the European Union. The Daily Express once printed a list of Scottish
industries which it claimed would be lost if Independence came about.
Every one of the industries named (plus some more) were later lost, not
under an independent government but under a UK Government and within the
European Union. Scotland lost its shipbuilding and car manufacture
industries. The coal mines were all closed down. The steel industry was
sacrificed to maintain steel mills in England. The Rosyth Naval dockyard
was decommissioned contrary to pledges made, and the work it did given to
the south of England. Most of all, - North Sea oil, that immense but
limited resource of liquid black gold, was extracted with all of the
revenues and taxes going to the UK Government. The only part of Scotland
to obtain significant income from the oil was Shetland where the young,
competent and totally incorruptible Chief Executive Ian Clark, negotiated
substantial benefits for the region.
I met Ian several times
later when he was with BNOC. His brother used to live close to us at
Duffus and is married to a sister of one of my best friends. Most
unfortunately for Scotland, Ian was squeezed out of the national oil
company and went south to work for Costains. He is now retired and
residing in Campbeltown, Argyll.
The EU insanity of its
Common Fisheries Policy, is matched only by the madness of its
Common Agricultural Policy. Farmers in every corner of the country
have expressed to me their utter frustration at the waste and the
malevolence of EC interference in our national food production. Why
should a little cheese maker in Islay be forbidden to source its milk from
the local dairy, and have to buy it instead from the continent? And why
should both the cheese plant and the dairy farm have to close down in
consequence? Why were our small abattoirs closed down in favour of large
abattoirs located far from the farms? And why had the country to suffer
the horrendous outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease as a result, with
bureaucratic stupidity preventing less costly vaccination instead of
outright slaughter of thousands of healthy beasts?
Manufacturers tell me the
same story. For all the products they sell to Europe, they would far
prefer to be free of its mountains of paperwork and ridiculous
regulations, and sell instead to Scotland and to the rest of the world.
Most of those I have spoken to have said that if Britain was to remain in
the EU, and they had the chance of starting out again, they would
definitely not go into business.
The current asset that
Scotland is being robbed of is its fish resources. When every other
country was rightfully claiming a 200 mile exclusive economic zone in
accord with the UN Law of the Sea, the British Government handed ours over
to the European Union and gave European fleets equal access to our fishing
grounds. Under the European Common Fisheries Policy, the Scottish fleet
(the largest part of the British fleet) has been systematically reduced to
a rump of its former self while the enormous Spanish fleet (equal in size
to 50% of the combined European fleet when Spain joined the Union), has
been assisted to fish off West Africa, off West Ireland, and now, in the
North Sea.
My home town which once
possessed the largest fleet of seine net boats in Britain, is now a marina
for yachts, and from our family that financed and operated ten boats since
the war, there is not a single vessel in operation, and not a single
member of the extended family working in the fishing industry. The local
harbour that was once packed with fishing vessels each weekend, is now
empty but for a few yachts. The fish market that once was filled twice a
day with a range of fresh quality fish, lies totally empty now.
One of my best friends who
built a modern stern trawler to fish on grounds over 500 fathoms deep for
non-quota species, saw that resource given almost entirely to continental
fleets, mainly French and Spanish. To maintain his vessel, and keep his
crew in work, he has had to fish on license from other countries outside
of the EU, - first for pink shrimp off Greenland, and later for hake off
Namibia. All this while European fleets are permitted to harvest fish in
Scottish waters. And up to the time of writing, beautiful seaworthy
Scottish fishing craft which could have another ten to twenty years of
productive life, are being scrapped to satisfy a European ideology.
Meanwhile subsidized new boats are being constructed in Spain to prosecute
the Scottish fishing grounds.
For over 20 years I
badgered politicians and civil servants about the madness and wickedness
of the Common Fisheries Policy, and took every opportunity to provide
witness statements to consultations undertaken by Westminster and Holyrood,
- but all to no avail. The authorities were blind and deaf to facts and
reason. Interestingly, not a single government or EU supporter ever
challenged my statements in the press. When a fishermen’s association
brought an Icelandic scientist and Faeroese Fishery Minister to Scotland
to speak on the issue, not a single Scottish or British Minister was
prepared to debate with them, nor would any of our fishery scientists
allow the Icelandic scientist to challenge them in an open forum.
Even more than the East
coast, the Hebrides and west coast of Scotland have been hit hard by the
European Union Common Fisheries Policy, and the equally insane
Common Agricultural Policy. The area has also suffered from
successive government attempts, Labour and Conservative, to impose
monetarist policies and measures that benefit mainly big industry and big
landowners, - and even these interventions are beneficial to them only in
the short term. I attempted to describe some of the negative results of
these policies in a book, The Sea Clearances, which I had discussed
before publication with former HIE Chairman, and prolific author, Jim
Hunter, and with the great John Prebble before he died in January 2001. I
also wrote a paper on the subject for Scottish Affairs, the
parliamentary journal published by Edinburgh University, but though
several MSPs said they had read it with interest, not a single one
challenged its statements or conclusions.
I broadcast these concerns
on radio, in the press, and at conferences in academic, environmental and
political gatherings. Those who supported the EU policies maintained a
complete silence. I understood from their failure to respond, that they
had no credible arguments to justify the common fisheries or common
agriculture policies, or to defend their regulations and measures. The
few government fishery scientists, administrators and economists that did
discuss the issues with me, eventually admitted (in private), that there
was neither rationality nor sustainability to the EU management programme.
Yet the Hebrides and west
coast region, that has suffered from government mistreatment and neglect
for so long, still retains a magic of its own that continues to fire the
imagination and stir the affections. Is it due to the scenery, the
climate, the people, the culture, the music, or the history? Probably a
combination of all of these factors plus an additional romantic element
that is captured or touched upon in writings as varied as RLS’s
Kidnapped, Neil Gunn’s many excellent novels, Fraser Darling’s
Highlands and Islands, and Adam Nicolson’s Sea Room. (Adam is
typical of the best of the descendants of landowners, who truly loves and
appreciates the region and its people, and sympathises with their
suffering. His book was highly praised in reviews, and nominated for
awards. I wrote to him after reading it with pleasure, and told him that
he was ‘a poet with prose’).
One of the things I admire
most about the west coast people, is their stoic diligence, and humble
determination to carve out a sustainable livelihood in that sometimes
harsh environment, despite the efforts of Brussels, London and Edinburgh,
to make that all but impossible. I recall the prawn creel fishers of
Achiltibuie, lacking harbour, pier or landing facilities, still producing
and marketing high quality nephrops, keeping them alive in tubes
over the ‘Sabbath’, and flying them from Inverness to Spain to supply the
lucrative continental market. I think of Sandy MacDonald, expert boat
builder and farmer, who I worked with in Africa over 40 years ago. He and
his dear wife Liz, have developed a farm, sawmill, boatyard, whiskey
blending business and occasional lobster fishery, on the most westerly
point of Scotland and the British mainland, at Ardslignish, north-west of
Tobermory.
The establishment of a
devolved Parliament with limited powers in Scotland, was something about
which I had mixed feelings, mainly because I felt it was not the real
thing. It had no power over the issues that really matter, like economic
policy, defense, and acceptance or rejection of European Union measures.
The performance of most (but not all) of the MSP’s since make the place
resemble a parochial town council rather than a national parliament.
There is a dearth of strategic thinking and vision, and an abundance of
shallow mediocrity and petty party dogma.
The unbelievable
mismanagement of the new parliament building at Holyrood in Edinburgh (an
architectural monstrosity), the cost of which increased from £40 million
to over £450 million [Kirsty
Wark, the talented and experienced television interviewer who was involved
in design selection with a New Labour selected team, justified the cost of
the ugly carbuncle by stating that “if you picked the cheapest tender,
you would end up with a shed!”. Well, we ended up with “a shed”, as
it turned out, - the most expensive shed ever!]
is just the worst example of the Executive’s cronyistic way of making
decisions and its incompetence and irresponsibility in managing taxpayer’s
money. Some private finance initiative projects display similar
short-sightedness and poor financial management.
As far as its limited
powers go, I am reminded of a priceless quote in a film about the Mexican
leader Benito Juares. When asked why he was not prepared to accept the
generous measure of responsibility that the Emperor Maximilian was
prepared to yield, his reply was to ask what it was precisely that was
being with-held. The answer in the film was, “I suppose, it is the
right to govern ourselves”. “Exactly”, responded Juares,
“and that is what we are struggling for”.
The treatment of Scotland
by successive UK Labour and Conservative Governments, and in the past 30
years by the European Union in its various forms, which together have
connived actively or passively in the demise of the steel, automobile, and
coal industries, and the crippling reduction of shipbuilding, fishing and
textile industries, remind me of the words that the Roman historian
Tacitus attributed to the Caledonian Chief Calcagus (Gaelcagus) following
the battle of Mons Graupius : “We, the most distant dwellers upon the
face of the earth, the last of the free, have been shielded intil now by
our remoteness. But the Romans, pillagers of the world have now exhausted
our land by their indiscriminate plunder. To robbery, butchery and
rapine, they give the lying name of ‘government’. They created a desert
and called it peace.”
In May 2007, an election for the devolved administration in Holyrood,
resulted in a narrow victory for the Scottish National Party who gained
a one seat majority over Labour. This was the first time Labour had
been beaten in an election in Scotland since 1959. However, the Liberal
Democrats who were happy to join Labour in a coalition government, would
not do so with the SNP since they objected strongly to the nationalists’
policy to put the Independence question to the Scottish people in a
Referendum. But by deft handling of the situation, First Minister Alex
Salmond and his minority Government, surprised friends and foes alike,
and took a number of initiatives in Scotland’s favour that the previous
Labour / Liberal-Democrat executive would not consider due to their
deference to Westminster. All the warnings of economic chaos and
political confusion, made repeatedly before by the unionist parties,
were shown to be quite false. Some began to change their tack, and
started to admit that Scotland could be self-sufficient and prosperous
as an independent state. Rather illogically they also began to fault
the SNP for not fully implementing nationalist policies which they (the
unionist parties) strongly opposed.
The next few years may well witness further steps towards real
self-government in Scotland.
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