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Domestic Annals of Scotland
Reign of William and Mary: 1689 - 1694 Part 3

1691, Jan
Scotland is sometimes alluded to in the south, with an imperfect kind of approbation, as an excessively strait-laced country; but if our neighbours were to consult the records of the General Assembly on the subject, they would find it powerfnlly defended from all such charges. An act was passed by that venerable body for a national fast to be held on the second Thursday of this month, and the reasons stated for the pious observance are certainly of a kind to leave the most free-living Englishman but little room for reproach. It is said: 'There hath been a great neglect of the worship of God in public, but especially in families and in secret. The wonted care of sanctifying the Lord's day is gone. . . . cities full of violence. . . . so that blood touched blood. Yea, Sodom's sins have abounded amongst us, pride, fulness of blood, idleness, vanities of apparel, and shameful sensuality.' Even now, it is said, 'few are turned to the Lord; the wicked go on doing wickedly, and there is found among us to this day shameful ingratitude for our mercies [and] horrid impenitency under our sins. . . . . There is a great contempt of the gospel, and great barrenness under it. . . . great want of piety towards God and love towards man, with a woful selfishness, everyone seeking their own things, few the public good or ane other's welfare.'

The document concludes with one noble stroke of, shall we say, self-portraiture ?-' the most part more ready to censure the sins of others, than to repent of their own.'

Jan 20
John Adair, mathematician, had been proceeding for some years, under government patronage and pay, in his task of constructing maps of the counties of Scotland, 'expressing therein the seats or houses of the nobility and gentry, the most considerable rivers, waters, lochs, bays, firths, roads, woods, mountains, royal burghs, and other considerable towns of each shire'-a work' honourable, useful, and necessary for navigation.' He was now hindered in his task, as he himself expressed the matter, 'by the envy, malice, and oppression of Sir Robert Sib bald, Doctor of Medicine, who, upon pretence of a private paction and contract, extorted through the power he pretended, took the petitioner [Adair] bound not to survey any shire or pairt thereof without Sir Robert his special advice and consent, and that he should not give copies of these maps to any other person without Sir Robert his special permission, under a severe penalty.' ,

The Lords of the Privy Council, on Adair's petition, were at no loss to see how unjust the Jacobite Sir Robert's proceedings were towards the nation, which, by parliamentary grant, was paying Adair for his work. They therefore ordered the hydro­grapher to go on with his work, notwithstanding Sibbald's opposition, ordering the latter to deliver up the contract on which it rested.

Sir Robert Sibbald afterwards reclaimed against the award of the Privy Council, setting forth a great array of rights connected with the case; but he spoke from the wrong side of the hedge, and his claim was refused.'

Jan 21
Captain Burnet of Barns was now recruiting in Edinburgh for a regiment in Holland. As the service was so much to be approved of, it was the less important to be scrupulous about the means of promoting it. A fatherless boy of fourteen, named George Miller, was taken up to Burnet's chamber, and there induced to accept a piece of money of the value of fourteen shiUings Scots, which made him a soldier in the captain's regiment. He seems to have immediately expressed unwillingness to be a soldier; but the captain caused him instantly to be dragged to the Canongate Tolbooth, and there kept in confinement. Some friend put in a petition for him to the Privy Council, setting forth that he had been trepanned, and' had no inclination to be a soldier, but to follow his learning, and thereafter other virtuous employments for his subsistence.' It was even hinted that the boy's father, Robert Miller, apothecary in Edinburgh, had been' a great sufferer in the late times.' All was in vain; two persons having given evidence that the boy had 'taken on willingly' with Captain Burnet, the Council ordained him to be delivered to that gentleman, 'that he may go alongst with him to Holland in the said service.'

Burnet's style of recruiting was by no means a singularity. A few days after the above date, as John Brangen, servant to Mr John Sleigh., merchant in Haddington, was going on a message to a writer's chamber in Edinburgh with his master's cloak over his arm, he was seized by Sergeant Douglas, of Douglas of Kelhead's company, carried to the Canongate Tolbooth, and thence hurried like a malefactor on board a ship in the road of Leith bound for Flanders. This man, though called servant, was properly clerk and shopman to his master, who accordingly felt deeply aggrieved by his abduction. At the same time, Christian Wauchope petitioned for the release of her husband, William Murdoch, who had been' innocently seized' and carried off eight days ago by Captain Douglas's men, 'albeit he had never made any paction with them;' 'whereby the petitioner and her poor children will be utterly starved.' Even the town-piper of Musselburgh, James Waugh by name, while playing at the head of the troop, and thinking of no harm, had been carried off for a soldier. 'If it was true,' said his masters the magistrates, 'that he had taken money from the officers, it must have been through the ignorance and inadvertency of the poor man, thinking it was given him for his playing as a piper.' He had, they continued, been' injuriously used in the affair by sinistrous designs and contrail to that liberty and freedom which all peaceable subjects ought to enjoy under the protection of authority.'

The government seems to have felt so far the necessity of acting up to their professions as the destroyers of tyranny that, in these and a few other cases, they ordered the liberation of the prisoners.

A few months later, occurred a private case in which something very like manstealing was committed by one of the parties in connection with this unscrupulous recruiting system.

Robert Wilson, son of Andrew Wilson in Kelso, was servant to Mrs Clerkson, a widow, at Damhead (near Edinburgh?). On finding that his mistress was about to take a second husband, he raised a scandal against her, in which his own moral character was concerned, and she immediately appealed for redress to Master David Williamson, minister of St Cuthbert's parish. Two elders came to inquire into the matter- Wilson evaded them, and could not be found. Then she applied for, and obtained a warrant from a justice of peace to apprehend Wilson, who now took to hiding. Four friends of hers, James Bruntain, farmer at Craig Lockhart; David Rainie, brewer in Portsburgh; James Porteous, gardener at Saughton; and James Borthwick, weaver at Burrow­muirhead, accompanied by George Macfarlane, one of the town officers of Edinburgh, came in search of Wilson, and finding him sleeping in the house of William Bell, smith in Merchiston, dragged him from bed, and in no gentle manner hurried him off to Macfarlane's house, where they kept him tanquam in privato curcere for twenty-four hours. On his pleading for permission to go to the door for but a minute, swords were drawn, and he was threatened with instant death, if he offered to stir. Professedly, they were to take him before the justices; but a better conclusion to the adventure occurred to them. Captain Hepburn, an officer about to sail with his corps .to Holland, was .introduced to the terror-stricken lad, who readIly agreed to enlist wIth hIm, and accepted a dollar as earnest. Before he quitted the care of his Captors, he signed a paper owning the guilt of raising scandal against his late mistress.

The father of the young man complained before the Privy Council of the outrage committed on his son, as an open and manifest riot and oppression, for which a severe punishment ought to be inflicted. He himself had been 'bereaved of a son whom he looked upon to be a comfort, support, and relief to him in his old age.' On the other hand, the persons complained of justified their acts as legal and warrantable. The Lords decided that Robert Wilson had 'unjustly been kept under restraint, and violence done to him ;' but the reparation they allowed was very miserable, a hundred merks to the aggrieved father.'

Jan 29
Nothing, in the former state of the country, is more remarkable in contrast with the present, than the miserable poverty of the national exchequer. The meagreness and uncertainty of the finances required for any public purpose prior to those happy times when a corrupt House of Commons was ready to vote whatever the minister wanted, the difficulties consequently attendant upon all administrative movements-it is impossible for the reader to imagine without going into an infinity of details. At a time, of course, when Scotland had a revenue of only a hundred thousand pounds a year, and yet a considerable body of troops to keep up for the suppression of a discontented portion of the people, the troubles arising from the lack of money were beyond description. The most trivial furnishings for the troops and garrisons remained long unpaid, and became matter of consideration for the Lords of the Privy Council. A town where a regiment had lain, was usually left in a state of desolation from unpaid debt, and had to make known its misery in the same quarter with but small chance of redress; and scores of state­Prisoners in Edinburgh, Blackness, Stirling, and the Bass, were atarving for want of the common necessaries of life.

"'On the 18th of April 1690, the inhabitants of Kirkcaldy, Dysart, and Pathhead complained to the Privy Council, that for ten weeks of this year they had had Colonel Cunningham's regiment quartered amongst them. The soldiers, 'having nothing to maintain themselves, were maintained and furnished in meat and drink, besides all other necessars, by the petitioners,' who, 'being for the most part poor and mean tradesmen, seamen, and workmen, besides many indigent widows and orphans,' were thus 'reduced to that extreme necessity as to sell and dispose of their household plenishing, after their own hread and anything else they had was consumed for maintenance of the soldiers.' They regarded the regiment as in their debt to the extent of £336, 68. sterling, of which sum they craved payment, 'that they might not be utterly ruined, and they and their families perish for want of bread.' Payment was ordered, but when, or whether at all, it was paid, we cannot tell.

Another case of this nature, going far to jnstify the jokes iudulged in by the English regarding the contemporary poverty of Scotland, occurs in the ensuing August, when the Council took up the case of James Wilkie of Portsburgh (a suburb of Edinburgh), complaining that the soldiers of three regiments lately quartered there, had gone away indebted to him for meat and drink to the extent of seventeen pounds Scots (£1, 8s. 4d.). 'Seeing the petitioner is very mean and poor, and not in a capacity to want that small sum, having nothing to live by but the trust of seIIing a tree of ale, his credit would be utterly broke for want thereof, unless the Council provide a remeed.' The Council ordained that the commanders of the regiments should see the petitioner satisfied by their soldiers.

In January 1691, the Council is found meditating on means for the satisfaction of James Hamilton, innkeeper, Leith, who had sent in accounts against officers of Colonel Cunningham's regiment for board and lodging, amounting to such sums as eight pounds each. At the same time, it had to treat regarding shoemakers' accounts owing by the same officers, to the amount of two and three pounds each. Even Ensign Houston's hotel-biIl for 'thretteen shiIIings' is gravely deliberated on. And all these little bills were duly recommended to the lords of their majesties' treasury, in hopes they might be paid out of 'the three months' cess and hearth money.'

That such small bills, however, might infer a considerable amount of entertainment, would appear by no means unlikely, if we could believe a statement of Mr Burt, that General Mackay himself was accustomed, during his commandership in Scotland, to dine at public-houses, where he was served with great variety, and paid only two shillings and sixpence Scots-that is, twopence half-penny-for his ordinary.' The fact has been doubted; but I can state as certain, that George Watson, the founder of the hospital in Edinburgh, when a young man residing in Leith, about 1680, used to dine at a tavern for fourpence. Even in the middle of the eighteenth century, Mr Colquhoun Grant, writer to the Signet, and a friend who associated with him, dined every day in a tavern in the Lawnmarket, for 'twa groats the piece,' as they used to express it.

Amongst other claims on which the Council had to deliberate, was a very pitiable one from Mr David Muir, surgeon at Stirling. When General Mackay retreated to that town from 'the ruffle at KiIliecrankie,' Muir had taken charge of the sick and wounded of the government troops, 'there being none of their own chirurgeons present.' He 'did several times send to Edinburgh for droggs and other necessaries,' and was 'necessitat to buy a considerable quantity of claret wine for bathing and fomenting of their wounds.' His professional efforts had been successful; but as yet-after the lapse of eighteen months-he had received no remuneration; neither had he been paid for the articles he had purchased for the men; at the same time, the salary due to him, of ten pounds a year as chirurgeon of the castle, was now more than two years in arrear. It was the greater hardship, as those who had furnished the drugs and other articles were pressing him for the debt, 'for which he is like to be pursued.' Moreover, he protested, as something necessary to support a claim of debt against the state, that 'he has been always for advancing of his majesty's interest, and well affected to their majesties' government.' The Council, in this case too, could only recommend the accounts to the lords of the treasury. [John Callander, master-smith, petitioned the Privy Council in June 1689,.regarding smith­work which he had executed for Edinburgh and Stirling Castles, to the amount of eleven hundred pounds sterling, whereof, though long due, he had 'never yet received payment of a sixpence.' On his earnest entreaty, three hundred pounds were ordered to be paid to account. On the ensuing 23d of August, he was ordained to be paid £6567, 17s. 2d., after a rigid taxing of his accounts, Scots money being of course meant. Connected with this little matter is an anecdote which has been told in various forms, regarding the estate of Craigforth, near Stirling. It is alleged that the master-smith, failing to obtain a solution of the debt from the Scottish Exchequer, applied to the English treasury, and was there so fortunate as to get payment of the apparent sum in English money. Haying out of this unexpected wealth made a wadset on the estate of Craigforth, he ultimately fell into the possession of that property, which he handed down to his descendants.' John Callander was grandfather of a gentleman of the same name, who cultivated literature with assiduity, and was the editor of two ancient Scottish poems-The Gaberlunzie Man, and Christ's Kirk on the Green. This gentleman, again, was grandfather to Mrs Thomas Sheridan and Lady Graham of N etherby.]

1691, Mar 8
Sinclair of Mey, and a friend of his named James Sinclair, writer in Edinburgh, were lodging in the house of John Brown, vintner, in the Kirkgate of Leith, when, at a late hour, the Master of Tarbat and Ensign Andrew Mowat came to join the party. The Master, who was eldest son of the Viscount Tarbat, a statesman of no mean note, was nearly related to Sinclair of Mey. There was no harm meant by anyone that night in the hostelry of John Brown; but before midnight, the floor was reddened with slaughter.

The Master and his friend Mowat, who are described on the occasion as excited by liquor, but not beyond self-control, were sitting in the hall drinking a little ale, while beds were getting ready for them. A girl named Jean Thomson, who had brought the ale, was asked by the Master to sit down beside him, but escaped to her own room, and bolted herself in. He, running in pursuit of her, blunderingly went into a room occupied by a Frenchman named George Poiret, who was quietly sleeping there. An altercation took place between Poiret and the Master, and Mowat, hearing the noise, came to see what was the matter. The Frenchman had drawn his sword, which the two gentlemen wrenched out of his hand. A servant of the house, named Christian Erskine, had now also arrived at the scene of strife, besides a gentleman who was not afterwards identified. At the woman's urgent request, Mowat took away the Master and the other gentleman, the latter carrying the Frenchman's sword. There might have now been an end to this little brawl, if the Master had not deemed it his duty to go back to the Frenchman's room to beg his pardon. The Frenchman, finding a new disturbance at his door, which he had bolted, seems to have lost patience. He knocked on the ceiling of his room with the fire-tongs, to awaken two brothers, Elias Poiret, styled Le Sieur de la Roche, and Isaac Poiret, who were sleeping there, and to bring them to his assistance.

These two gentlemen presently came down armed with swords and pistols, and spoke to their defenceless and excited brother at his door. Presently there was a hostile collision between them and the Master and Mowat in the hall. Jean Thomson roused her master to come and interfere for the preservation of the peace but he came too late. The Master and Mowat were not seen making any assault; but a shot was heard, and, in a few minutes, it was found that the Sieur de la Roche lay dead with a sword­wound through his body, while Isaac had one of his fingers nearly cut off. A servant now brought the guard, by whom Mowat was soon after discovered hiding under an outer stair, with a bent sword in his hand, bloody from point to hilt, his hand wounded, and the sleeves of his coat also stained with blood. On being brought where the dead man lay, he viewed the body without apparent emotion, merely remarking he wondered who had done it.

The Master, Mowat, and James Sinclair, writer, were tried for the murder of Elias Poiret; but the jury found none of the imputed crimes proven. The whole affair can, indeed, only be regarded as an unfortunate scuffle arising from intemperance, and in which sudden anger caused weapons to be used where a few gentle and reasonable words might have quickly re-established peace and good-fellowship.

The three Frenchmen concerned in this affair were Protestant refugees, serving in the king's Scottish guards. The Master of Tarbat in due time succeeded his father as Earl of Cromarty, and survived the slaughter of Poiret forty years. He was the father of the third and last Earl of Cromarty, so nearly brought to Tower­hill in 1746, for his concern in the rebellion of the preceding year, and who on that account lost the family titles and estates.

Down to this time, it was still customary for gentlemen to go armed with walking-swords. On the borders of the Highlands, dirks and pistols seem to have not unfrequently been added. Accordingly, when a quarrel happened, bloodshed was very likely to take place. At this time we have the particulars of such a quarrel, serving to mark strongly the improvements effected by modern civilisation.

Some time in August 1690, a young man named William Edmondstone, described as apprentice to Charles Row, writer to the Signet, having occasion to travel to Alloa, called on his master's brother, William Row of Inverallan in passing, and had an interview with him at a public-house in the hamlet of Bridge of. Allan. According to a statement from him, not proved, but which it is almost necessary to believe in order to account for subsequent events, Inveralln treated him kindly to his face, but broke out upon him afterwards to a friend, using the words rascal and knave, and other offensive expressions. The same unproved statement goes on to relate how Edmondstone and two friends of his, named Stewart and Mitchell, went afterwards to inquire into Inverallan's reasons for such conduct, and were violently attacked by him with a sword, and two of them wounded.

The proved counter-statement of Inverallan is to the effect that Edmondstone, Stewart, and Mitchell tried, on the 21st of April 1691, to waylay him, with murderous intent, as he was passing between Dumblane and his lands near Stirling. Having by chance evaded them, he was in a public-house at the Bridge of Allan, when his three enemies unexpectedly came in, armed as they were with swords, dirks, and pistols, and began to use despiteful expressions towards him. 'He being all alone, and having no arms but his ordinary walking-sword, did rise up in a peaceable manner, of design to have retired and gone home to his own house.' As he was going out at the door, William Edmolldstone insolently called to him to come and fight him, a challenge which he disregarded. They then followed him out, and commenced an assault upon him with their swords, Mitchell, moreover, snapping a pistol at him, and afterwards beating him over the head with the but-end. He was barely able to protect his life with his sword, till some women came, and drew away the assailants.

A few days after, the same persons came with seven or eight other 'godless and graceless persons' to the lands of Inverallan, proclaiming their design to burn and destroy the tenants' houses and take the laird's life, and to all appearance would have effected their purpose, but for the protection of a military party from Stirling.

For these violences, Edmondstone and Mitchell were fined in five hundred merks, and obliged to give large caution for their keeping the peace.

June 25
Upon petition, Sir James Don of Newton, knight-baronet, with his lady and her niece, and a groom and footman, were permitted 'to travel with their horses and arms from Scotland to Scairsburgh Wells in England, and to return again, without trouble or molestation, they always behaving themselves as becometh.'

This is but a single example of the difficulties attending personal movements in Scotland for some time after the Revolution. Owing to the fears for conspiracy, the government allowed no persons of eminence to travel to any considerable distance without formal permission.

July 8
An act, passed this day in the Convention of Royal Burghs for a commission to visit the burghs as to their trade, exempted Kirkwall, Wick, Inverary, and Rothesay, on account of the difficulty of access to these places!

The records of this ancient court present many curious details. A tax-roll of July 1692, adjusting the proportions of the burghs in making up each £100 Scots of their annual expenditure on public objects, reveals to us the comparative populousness and wealth of the principal Scottish towns at that time. For Edinburgh, it is nearly a third of the whole, £32, 6s. 8d.; for Glasgow, less than a half of Edinburgh, £15; Perth, £3; Dundee, £4, 13s. 4d.; Aberdeen, £6; Stirling, £1, 8s.; Linlithgow, £1, 6s. ; Kirkcaldy, £2, 8s.; Montrose, £2; Dumfries, £1, 18s. 4d.; Inverness, £1, 10s.; Ayr, £1, 1s. 4d. ; Haddington, £1, 12s.

All the rest pay something less than one pound. In 1694, Inverary is found petitioning for 'ease' from the four shillings Scots imposed upon them in the tax-roll, as 'they are not in a condition by their poverty and want of trade to pay any pairt thereof' The annual outlay of the Convention was at this time about £6000 Scots. Hence the total impost on Inverary would be £240, or twenty pounds sterling. For the' ease' of this primitive little Highland burgh, its proportion was reduced to a fourth.

The burghs used to have very curious arrangements amongst themselves: thus, the statute Ell was kept in Edinburgh; Linlithgow had charge of the standard Firlot; Lanark of the Stone­weight; while the regulation Pint-stoup was confided to Stirling. A special measure for coal, for service in the customs, was the Chalder of Culross. The burgh of Peebles had, from old time, the privilege of seizing 'all light weights, short ellwands, and other insufficient goods, in all the fairs and mercats within the shire of Teviotdale.' They complained, in 1696, of the Earl of Traquair having interfered with their rights, and a committee was appointed to deal with his lordship on the subject.

To these notices it may be added that the northern burgh of Dingwall, which is now a handsome thriving town, was reduced to so great poverty in 1704 as not to be able to send a commissioner to the Convention. 'There was two shillings Scots of the ten pounds then divided amongst the burghs, added to the shilling we used formerly to be in the taxt roll [that is, in addition to the one shilling Scots we formerly used to pay on every hundred pounds Scots raised for general purposes, we had to pay two shillings Scots of the new taxation of ten pounds then assessed upon the burghs], the stenting whereof was so heavy upon the inhabitants, that a great many of them have deserted the town, which is almost turned desolate, as is weel known to all our neighbours; and there is hardly anything to be seen but the ruins of old houses, and the few inhabitants that are left, having now no manner of trade, live only by labouring the neighbouring lands, and our inhabitants are still daily deserting us.' Such was the account the town gave ofitself in a petition to the Convention of Burghs in 1724.

Though Dingwall is only twenty-one and a half miles to the northward of Inverness, so little travelling was there in those days, that scarcely anything was known by the one place regarding the other. It is at this day a subject of jocose allusion at Inverness, that they at one time sent a deputation to see Dingwall, and inquire about it, as a person in comfortable circumstances might send to ask after a poor person in a neighbouring alley. Such a proceeding actually took place in 1733, and the report brought back was to the effect, that Dingwall had no trade, though 'there were one or two inclined to carryon trade if they had a harbour;' that the place had no prison; and for want of a bridge across an adjacent lake, the people were kept from both kirk and market.

July 23
Licence was granted by the Privy Council to Dr Andrew Brown to print, and have sole right of printing, a treatise he had written, entitled A Vindicatorie Schedule about the New Cure of Fevers.'

This Dr Andrew Brown, commonly called Dolphington, from his estate in Lanarkshire, was an Edinburgh physician, eminent in practice, and additionally notable for the effort he made in the above-mentioned work to introduce Sydenham's treatment of fevers-that is, to use antimonial emetics in the first stage of the disorder. 'This book and its author's energetic advocacy of its principles by his other writings and by his practice, gave rise to a fierce controversy, and in the library of the Edinburgh College of Physicians there is a stout shabby little volume of pamphlets on both sides- "Replies" and "Short Answers," and "Refutations," and "Surveys," and "Looking-glasses," "Defences," "Letters," "Epilogues," &c., lively and furious once, but now resting as quietly together as their authors are in the Old Grey­friars' Churchyard, having long ceased from troubling. There is much curious, rude, hard-headed, bad-Englished stuff in them, with their wretched paper and print, and general ugliness; much also to make us thankful that we are in our own now, not their then. Such tearing away, with strenuous logic and good learning, at mere clouds and shadows, with occasional lucid intervals of sense, observation, and wit!'

Dolphington states in his book that he visited Dr Sydenham in London, to study his system under him, in 1687, and presently after returning to Edinburgh, introduced the practice concerning fevers, with such success, that of many cases none but one had remained uncured.

Some idea of an amateur unlicensed medical practice at this time may be obtained from a small book which had a great circulation in Scotland in the early part of the eighteenth century. It used to be commonly called Tippermalloch's Receipts, being the production of 'the Famous John Moncrieff of Tippermalloch' in Strathearn, 'a worthy and ingenious gentleman,' as the preface describes him, whose' extraordinary skill in physic and successful and beneficial practice therein' were so well known, 'that few readers, in this country at least, can be supposed ignorant thereof.'  [The second edition of Tippermalloch was published in 1716, containing Dr Pitcairn's method of curing the small-pox. It professes to be superior to the first edition, being 'taken from an original copy which the author himself delivered to the truly noble and excellent lady, the late Marchioness of Athole, and which her Grace the present duchess, a lady no less eminent for her singular goodness and virtue than her high quality, was pleased to communicate to us and the public.']

When a modern man glances over the pages of this dusky ill-printed little volume, he is at a loss to believe that it ever could have been the medical vade-mecum of respectable families, as we are assured it was. It has a classification of diseases under the parts of the human system, the head, the breast, the stomach, &c., presenting under each a mere list of cures, with scarcely ever a remark on special conditions, or even a tolerable indication of the quantity of any medicine to be used. The therapeutics of Tippermalloch include simples which are now never heard of in medicine, and may be divided into things capable of affecting the human system, and things of purely imaginary efficacy, a large portion of both kinds being articles of such a disgusting character as could not but have doubled the pain and hardship of all ailments in which they were exhibited. For cold distemper of the brain, for instance, we have snails, bruised in their shells, to be applied to the forehead; and for pestilential fever, a cataplasm of the same stuff to be laid on the soles of the feet. Paralysis calls for the parts being anointed with convenient ointments' of (among other things) earthworms. For decay of the hair, mortals are enjoined to (make a lee of the burnt ashes of dove's dung, and wash the head;' but 'ashes of little frogs' will do as well. Yellow hair, formerly a desired peculiarity, was to be secured by a wash composed of the ashes of the ivy-tree, and a fair complexion by 'the distilled water of snails.' To make the whole face well coloured, you are coolly recommended to apply to it 'the liver of a sheep fresh and hot.' (Burn the whole skin of a hare with the ears and nails: the powder thereof, being given hot, cureth the lethargy" perfectly.' 'Powder of a man's bones burnt, chiefly of the skull that is found in the earth, cureth the epilepsy: the bones of a man cure a man; the bones of a woman cure a woman.' The excreta of varions animals figure largely in Tippermalloch's pharmacopreia, even to a bath of a certain kind for iliac passion: 'this,' says he, marvellously expelleth wind.' It is impossible, however, to give any adequate idea of the horrible things adverted to by the sage Moncrieff, either in respect of diseases or their cures. All I will say further on this matter is, that if there be any one who thinks modern delicacy a bad exchange for the plain-spokenness of our forefathers, let him glance at the pages of John Moncrieff of Tippermalloch, and a chauge of opinion is certain.

In the department of purely illusive recipes, we have for wake­fulness or coma, 'living creatures applied to the head to dissolve the humour;' for mania, amulets to be worn about the neck; and a girdle of wolf's skin certified as a complete preventive of epilepsy. We are told that' ants' eggs mixed with the juice of an onion, dropped into the ear, do cure the oldest deafness,' and that the blood of a wild goat given to ten drops of carduus-water doth powerfully discuss the pleurisy.' It is indicated under measles, that many keep an ewe or wedder in their chamber or on the bed, because these creatures are easily infected, and draw the venom to themselves, by which means some ease may happen to the sick person.' In like manner, for colic a live duck, frog, or sucking-dog applied to the part, 'draweth all the evil to itself, and dieth.' The twenty-first article recommended for bleeding at the nose is hare's hair and vinegar stuffed in; 'I myself know this to be the best of anytbing known.' He is equally sure that the flowing blood of a wound may be repelled by the blood of a cow put into the wound, or by carrying a jasper in the hand; while for a depraved appetite nothing is required but the stone aetites bound to the arm. Sed jam satis.

In Analecta Scotica is to be found a dream about battles and ambassadors by Sir J. Moncrieff of Tippermalloch, who at his death in 1714, when eighty-six years of age, believed it was just about to be fulfilled. The writer, who signs himself William Moncrieff, and dates from Perth, says of Tippermalloch: 'The gentleman was, by all who knew him, esteemed to be eminently pious. He spent much of his time in reading the Scripture-his delight was in the law of the Lord. The character of the blessed man did belong to him, for in that he did meditat day and night, and his conversation was suitable thereto-his leaf did not wither -he was fat and flourishing in his old age.'

Aug 11
Dame Mary Norvill, widow of Sir David Falconer, president of the Court of Session, and now wife of John Home of Ninewells, was obliged to petition the Privy Council for maintenance to her children by her first husband, their uncle, the Laird of Glenfarquhar, having failed to make any right arrangement in their behalf. From what the lords ordained, we get an idea of the sums then considered as proper allowances for the support and education of a set of children of good fortune. David, the eldest son, ten years of age, heir to his father's estate of 12,565 merks (about £698 sterling) per annum, over and above the widow's jointure, Was to be allowed 'for bed and board, clothing, and other necessaries, and for educating him at schools and colleges as becomes his quality, with a pedagogue and a boy to attend him, the sum of a thousand merks yearly (£55, 11s. 1 1/3d. sterling).' To Mistress Margaret, twelve and a half years old, whose portion is twelve thousand merks, they assigned an aliment for 'bed and board, clothing, and other necessaries, and for her education at schools and otherwise as becomes her quality,' five hundred merks per annum (£27, 15s. 6 1/2d. sterling). Mistress Mary, the second daughter, eleven years of age, with a portion of ten thousand merks, was allowed for 'aliment and education' four hundred and fifty merks. For Alexander, the second son, nine years of age, with a provision of fifteen thousand merks, there was allowed, annually, six hundred merks. Mistress Katherine, the third daughter, eight years of age, and Mistress Elizabeth, seven years of age, with portions of eight thousand merks each, were ordained each an annual allowance of three hundred and sixty merks. George, the third son, six years old, with a provision of ten thousand merks, was to have four hundred merks per annum. These payments to be made to John Home and his lady, while the children should dwell with them.

'Mistress Katherine' became the wife of Mr Home's son Joseph, and in 1711 gave birth to the celebrated philosopher, David Hume. Her brother succeeded a collateral relative as Lord Falconer of Halkerton, and was the lineal ancestor of the present Earl of Kintore. It is rather remarkable that the great philosopher's connection with nobility has been in a manner overlooked by his biographers.

That the sums paid for the young Falconers, mean as they now appear, were in accordance with the ideas of the age, appears from other examples. Of these, two may be adduced:

The Laird of Langton, 'who had gotten himself served tutor­' to two young persons named Cockburn, fell about this time into 'ill circumstances.' There then survived but one of his wards-a girl named Ann Cockburn-and it appeared proper to her uncle, Lord Crossrig, that she should not be allowed to stay with a broken man. He accordingly, though with some difficulty, and at some expense, got the tutory transferred to himself. 'When Ann Cockburn,' he says, 'came to my house, I did within a short time put her to Mrs Shiens, mistress of manners, where she was, as I remember, about two years, at £5 sterling in the quarter, besides presents. Thereafter she stayed with me some years, and then she was boarded with the Lady Harvieston, then after with Wallyford, where she still is at £3 sterling per quarter.'

'In 1700, the Laird of Kilravack, in Nairnshire, paid an account to Elizabeth Straiton, Edinburgh, for a quarter's education to his daughter Margaret Rose; including, for board, £60; dancing, £14, 10s.; 'singing and playing and virginaIls,' £11, 12s.; writing, £6; 'satin seame,' £6; a set of wax-fruits, £6; and a 'looking-glass that she broke,' £4, 16s.; all Scots money.

It thus appears that both Mrs Shiens and Mrs Straiton charged only £5 sterling per quarter for a young lady's board.

The subject is further illustrated by the provision made by the Privy Council, in March 1695, for the widowed Viscountess of Arbuthnot (Anne, daughter of the Earl of Sutherland), who had been left with seven children all under age, and whose husband's testament had been 'reduced.' In her petition, the viscountess represented that the estate was twenty-four thousand merks per annum (£1333 sterling). 'My lord, being now eight years of age, has a governor and a servant; her two eldest daughters, the one being eleven, and the other ten years of age, and capable of all manner of schooling, they must have at least one servant; as for the youngest son and three youngest daughters, they are yet within the years of seven, so each of them must have a woman to wait upon them.' Lady Arbuthnot was provided with a jointure of twenty-five chalders of victual; and as her jointure-house was ruinous, she desired leave to occupy the family mansion of Arbuthnot House, which her son was not himself of an age to possess.

The Lords, having inquired into and considered the relative circumstances, ordained that two thousand pounds Scots (£166, 13s. 4d. sterling) should be paid to Lady Arbuthnot out of the estate for the maintenance of her children, including the young lord.

The lady soon after dying, the earl her father came in her place as keeper of the children at the same allowance.

The Quakers residing at Glasgow gave in to the Privy Council a representation of the treatment they received at the hands of their neighbours. It was set forth, that the severe dealings with the consciences of men under the late government had brought about a revolution, and some very tragical doings. Now, when at last the people had wrestled out from beneath their grievauces, it was matter of surprise that those who had complained most thereupon should now be found acting the parts of their own persecutors against the petitioners [the Quakers].' It were too tedious to detail what they have suffered since the change of the government, through all parts of the nation, by beating, stoning, and other abuses.' In Glasgow, however, their usage had been liker French dragoons' usage, and furious rabbling, than anything that dare own the title of Christianity.' Even there they would have endured in silence the beating, stoning, dragging, and the like which they received from the rabble,' were it not that magistrates connived at and homologated these persecutions, and their continued silence might seem to justify such doings. They then proceeded to narrate that, on the 12th of November, being met together in their hired house for no other end under heaven than to wait upon and worship their God,' a company of Presbyterian church elders, attended with the rude rabble of the town, haled them to James Sloss, bailie, who, for no other cause than their said meeting, dragged them to prison, where some of them were kept the space of eight days.' During that time, undoubted bail was offered for them, but refused, unless they should give it under their hand [that] they should never meet again there: At the same time, their meeting-house had been plundered, and even yet the restoration of their seats was refused. This using of men that are free lieges would, in the case of others, be thought a very great riot,' &c.

The feeling of the supreme administrative body in Scotland on this set of occurrences, is chiefly marked by what they did not do. They recommended to the Glasgow magistrates that, if any forms had been taken away from the Quakers, they shonld be given back!

There were no bounds to the horror with which sincere Presbyterians regarded Quakerism in those days. Even in their limited capacity as disowners of an church-politics, they were thought to be most unchristian. Patrick Walker gravely relates an anecdote of the seer-preacher, Peden, which powerfully proves this feeling. This person, being in Ireland, was indebted one night to a Quaker for lodging. Accompanying his host to the meeting, Peden observed a raven come down from the ceiling, and perch itself, to appearance, on a particular person's head, who presently began to speak with great vehemence. From one man's' head, the appearance passed to another's, and thence to a third. Peden told the man: I always thought there was devilry amongst you, but I never thought he appeared visibly to you; but now I see it.' The incident led to the conversion of the Quaker unto orthodox Christianity.

On the 5th of April 1694, there was a petition to the Privy Council from a man named James Macrae, professing to be a Quaker, setting forth that he had been pressed as a soldier, but could not fight, as it was contrary to his principles and conscience; wherefore, if carried to the wars, he conld only be miserable in himself, while useless to others. He was ordered to be liberated, provided he should leave a substitute in his place.

It would have been interesting to see a contemporary Glasgow opinion on this case.

Irregularities of the affections were not now punished with the furious severity which, in the reign of Charles I., ordained beheading to a tailor in Currie for wedding his first wife's half­brother's daughter. But they were still visited with penalties much beyond what would now be thought fitting. For example, a woman of evil repute, named Margaret Paterson, having drawn aside from virtue two very young men, James and David Kennedy, sons of a late minister of the Trinity College Church, was adjudged to stand an hour in the jougs at the Tron, and then to be scourged from the Castle Hill to the Netherbow, after which a life of exile in the plantations was her portion. The two young men, having been bailed by their uncle, under assurance for five thousand merks, the entire amount of their patrimony, broke their bail rather than stand trial with their associate in guilt. There was afterwards a petition from the uncle setting forth the hardship of the case, and this was replied to with a recommendation from the lords of Justiciary to the lords of the treasury for a modification of the penalty, if their lordships shall think fit.' In the case of Alison Beaton, where the co-relative offender was a man who had married her mother's sister, the poor woman was condemned to be scourged in like manner with Paterson, and then transported to the plantations. It was a superstitious feeling which dictated such penalties for this class of offences. The true aim of jurisprudence, to repress disorders which directly affect the interests of others, and these alone, was yet far from being understood.

In January 1694, there came before the notice of the Court of Justiciary in Edinburgh, a case of curiously complicated wickedness. Daniel Nicolson, writer, and a widow named Mrs Pringle, had long carried on an infamous connection, with little effort at concealment. Out of a bad spirit towards the unoffending Jean Lands, his wife, Nicolson and Pringle, or one or other of them, caused to be forged a receipt as from her to Mr John Elliot, doctor of medicine, for some poison, designing to raise a charge against her and a sister of hers, of an attempt upon her husband's life. The alleged facts were proved to the satisfaction of a jury, and the court, deeming the adultery aggravated by the forgery, adjudged the guilty pair to suffer in the Grassmarket-Nicolson by hanging, and Pringle by 'having her head severed from her body.'

There were, however, curious discriminations in the judgments of the Justiciary Court. A Captain Douglas, of Sir William Douglas's regiment, assisted by another officer and a corporal of the corps, was found guilty of a shocking assault upon a serving­maid in Glasgow, in 1697. A meaner man, or an equally important man opposed to the new government, would have, beyond a doubt, suffered the last penalty for this offence; Captain Douglas, being a gentleman, and one engaged in the king's service, escaped with a fine of three hundred merks.

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