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The Scotch-Irish in America
Washington and Lee, the Scotch-Irish University of the South. By Prof. H. A. White, Lexington, Ky.


In 1749, that year of high-tide in the old colonial life, when Boston Harbor was busily unfurling her commercial sails; when the cavalier on Chesapeake Bay swore allegiance to the king of England and read the prayer-book in the same breath—in that year was laid the foundation-stone of Washington and Lee University. Beneath the shadows of the Blue Ridge, in the Valley of Virginia, Scotch-Irish brawn apeared a rude cabin of oaken logs, and with fervent prayer did set apart this temple of the wilderness as the school for the training of Scotch-Irish prophets. Over the little "mathematical and classical school" was called the name Augusta Academy. Her founder and ruling spirit was from the North of Ireland, and bore that typical Scotch name, Alexander. Robert Alexander was one of three brothers, and his fraternal line through one more generation ripened into that glory of our race, Dr. Archibald Alexander. Through twenty-seven years of gathering storm in affairs governmental, this rude seat of the muses waxed in strength. She changed her location from foot-hill to mid-valley knoll. Robert Alexander, a learned man among his brethren, "a fine classical scholar," gave the master's ferule into other hands. In 1762, Rev. John Brown, pastor of the neighboring church, who bore the seal of Newcastle Presbytery, became the guardian of the academy. His wisdom gave counsel until 1776, birth-year of American nationality.

Then it was that on a day in May seven Scotch-Irish presbyters gathered in the log-church on Timber Ridge. These seven men all were filled with the fire of revolution. They laid their hands upon the log-school in fatherly blessing; over her they called a new baptismal name—Liberty Hall Academy. With this name began a new career, under the guidance of Hanover Presbytery. Other Scotch-Irish trustees, twenty-four in number, did they appoint. Of the seven presbyters, four were descendants of captives at Bothwell Bridge. Of the rest, presbyters and trustees, in their veins flowed blood that had, in days ancestral, left martyr stains upon the heather of Clydesdale, or had been parched by famine and fever in Londonderry. As rector they chose William Graham, the Scotch-Irish scholar, the patriot, the man of God. Unto a spot amid the oak grove was brought the academy. God's "meeting-house," wherein these presbyters met, cast perhaps its morning shadow across the threshold of the school. The shrine of public devotion and the shrine of learning were placed on the same hill-top as twin memorials that the Scotch-Irish race was there. Fit stronghold of the principles of freedom was this log-college standing near the church and beneath the shadows of the mountains ever-during. Fitting name was Liberty Hall for the earliest Scotch-Irish academy in Virginia, given a new foundation by these seven iron-nerved lovers of liberty. The literary plant of twenty-seven thus became the palladium of the principles of our race—her they swore to cherish and protect, and in her prosperity did they read the future of their people.

Let us turn now to the record of those eighteenth-century days and draw thence the story of—

I. Liberty Hall Academy, the Literary Nursling of the Revolution. This child of Hanover Presbytery looked southward down the sloping valley and saw the James burst through the ridge on her way to Chesapeake Bay; northward did she look from her mid-vale summit and watch the Shenandoah winding on toward the Potomac. This basin embosomed in the Appalachians was a land unknown a century before—"haunted by monsters," said old John Lederer. In 1716, a gap in the Blue Ridge echoed with the voices of Governor Spotswood's gay troop of explorers, the "Knights of the Golden Horseshoe," from tide-water Virginia. They passed into the valley and gave to the Shenandoah the name " Euphrates." These royalists, who drank to the health of the king on the mountain summit, after naming the highest peak in his honor, "Mount George," left the "Euphrates" to the aboriginal Nimrods. Not yet a score of years had passed after this expedition when there ventured up the stream crowds of exiles from the North of Ireland. In 1732, the Scotch-Irish reached Augusta County in the Valley of Virginia.

What tongue can tell the sadness that hung like a pall over those multitudes who spread their sails westward from Belfast and Londonderry in the opening years of the 18th century! Wrongs that could not be righted were no longer to be endured. What a horizon of oppression overspread their vision as they turned with farewell gaze toward their native land. There upon the soil of Erin towered, like a demon of tyranny, the Test act of Parliament, whose frown had hurried their departure. There on the sky they saw written statutes of oppression ; in letters of blood was inscribed there, too, the story of their race. As they continued to gaze, the spirits of their fathers were outlined on the sky, pointing to Bothwell Bridge, where they made a stand, in 1679, against the Stuart tyranny, waving their hands toward the walls of' Derry, where, in 1689, they held Ireland against the second James; then pointing to the Scotch-Irish support of the House of Hanover, where "the Pretender" stirred the enthusiasm of Romanist Scotland. What return for this service did they see made by the Hanover dynasty? Not advancement—only persecution because of religious opinion. Yea, these exiles, with their latest glance, looked back over a century's struggle for liberty. They could see the struggle ended with William of Orange on the throne by act of Parliament. Then, lo! the Constitution for which they and their fathers had fought, turned to crush its chief supporters with the Test act. It was the chiseled figure stooping to crush the Michael Angelo who would not worship it. Betrayed with a kiss, the Scotch-Irish turned them away from a past so full of disappointment. The picture of oppression died away upon their sight as the shores of Ireland fell below the horizon.

The memory of that oppression lingered still as a smoldering fire in their hearts. The pride and courage of the race, first stirred into action by the voice of Knox, could not repine nor die. New inspiration was caught from those remembered scenes of tyranny. The period of transit upon the high seas was for the Scotch-Irishman the period of a new birth—not the birth of new principles, but of a fixed determination. It was the passage from despair to new-born hope. Those hours of political regeneration saw the chains of oppression upon which the exile had gazed, now painted as flaming swords of deliverance upon the new horizon that rose to meet him; they saw the creed of his fathers so inwrought into the very texture of the wanderer's soul, that, like the figure of Minerva in the shield of Achilles, it would be impossible to eliminate the principles without destroying the man. When the Scotch-Irish set foot upon the new shore, first and foremost was the resolution to seek a stronghold wherein they might enshrine this new-born hope as a heritage unto all their generations forever. Where could such a spot be found? Amid the Alleghanies, whose peaks hold priestly communion with heaven itself, and tolerate as dwellers beneath their shadows none but freemen.

The Joshua who led these exiles into the valley of the Shenandoah was John Lewis—that man with heart and frame of Scotch-Irish oak. In 1732 this priest and warrior of his people started away from the Potomac to go up against the Canaanites of the forest. Thus into its mountain seed-bed was brought the germ of American liberty. A rifle, a Bible, a heart throbbing for freedom—these were the instruments of war. By the camp-fire of the wilderness did they kneel to adore their fathers' God. Beneath the stars they laid them down to repose, to dream of altars and firesides, where the shadow of tyranny could never fall. So spun its length this weary, wilderness-march. Where the pure water gushed from beneath the rock in West Augusta, there was the homestead planted. The rustle of corn-leaves 'ere long became the voice of the freeman's joy and hope. Here was Freedom's training-school. Within sight of the firesides was erected the "meeting-house" for divine worship.

In 1748 the Scotch-Irish saw their first church completed. Of solid limestone was it constructed, each stone a memorial of toil and prayer—and it still stands as a noble monument of Scotch-Irish faith and courage. Even the women and children bore a part in up-rearing this first sanctuary, called "The Stone Meeting House of Augusta." As this church rose to completion, already was the woodman's ax ringing through the forest as a prophecy of the log-college. The next year, 1749, saw the school of Robert Alexander open its doors.

That memorable year of 1749 saw another "shadow of coming events." At the foot of this same Blue Ridge, some four score miles down the valley nearer the Potomac, a young surveyor, was adjusting the needle of his compass, and in leisure moments reading the "Spectator" and "History of England." It was the youthful Washington at "Greenway Court," the manor of Lord Fairfax. A twelve-month before, Washington crossed into the valley to mark off the estate of the noble lord. A night he spent in the rude cabin of Joist Hite, first patentee of land in the valley of Virginia. Nine years as surveyor lingered Washington in this frontier academy—for it was the training-school of his life. There it was that he passed through the curriculum of danger and hardship. There between the same college walls, the ridges of the Alleghanies, came that later training that sent him forth the first soldier in the colonies. Strange coincidence! Washington beginning his life training almost within hearing of the woodman's ax uprearing Augusta Academy—taking his first lessons in history and and belles-lettres but a few miles away from the log college to which his name and patronage should give permanence!

Not on parchment nor on paper has been written the story of that academy's early years. As her record she points to the lives of the men who founded her. This primitive institution embodied the principles of the Scotch-Irish race. In her were enshrined the hopes and fixed resolves born of oppression—destined now to grow and spread until they upheaved the governments of centuries. She grew up in the lap of revolution. Yea, her growth may be paralleled with that of a plant whose life sap is freedom; the progress of that plant in the valley is the measure whereby we may mark the growth of the sentiment of independence. When the plant has lived two years beyond the first quarter-century, the bells are ringing joyously over a declaration. From what beginning grew that instrument of human rights? We shall see.

Amid the scenes of frontier life, the little log college started upon her work. On the western horizon gleamed the lurid Indian wars. Up from the Ohio and Mississippi came the rattle of musketry. The swords of France and England were flashing forward in the struggle for the great valleys of the new world. The territory between the Alleghanies, the lakes, and the Mississippi was passing under British control as a future prize for the colonies. From this battle-field came savage foes to Alleghany summit, and thence did they glare down upon the valley settlers. Yells of vengeance rang through the mountain passes and mingled with the echoes from every hill-topi. The whole environment of the log temple of learning was one of intense action. The rhythm of Virgil's verse pulsated with new life when read to the regular strokes of the ax as it felled the forest trees. The campaigns of Livy and Thucydides were rendered more vivid when a band of rifles gleamed past the academy door to drive back Indian invaders.

The Phillippics of Demosthenes were fit vehicles of expression for men who grew up in those hours of ripening revolution. Members of the future colonial assembly, leaders of colonial battles, speakers who shall fire the patriot heart when the hour strikes, now sat as youth on the rude benches, looking up from the page of the classic to bid farewell to fathers and brothers who were marching away with Col. Andrew Lewis to join Gen. Braddock; or, again, to join Col. Grant in his expedition against Fort Duquesne, where Lewis was captured. Over all these earlier years there hovered the lurid glare of Indian atrocities. Still the school continued. Through the furnace of fire she came, tempered and strengthened for the future.

In 1771, Hanover Presbytery began to outstretch fatherly arms to patronize this academy of the frontier. In that year the Presbytery left record thus: "Presbytery, being very sensible of the great expediency of erecting a seminary of learning somewhere within the bounds of this Presbytery, do recommend it to all the members to take this matter under consideration and report their thoughts at our next especially respecting the best method of accomplishing it."

April, 1772, there was spread this minute: "The consideration of the minute concerning a seminary amongst ourselves is deferred until our next sederunt."

October, 1773, . . . "the Presbyterry agrees to fix the public seminary for the liberal education of youth, in Staunton, Augusta."

October, 1774, "The Presbytery resume the consideration of a school for the liberal education of youth. . . . We do therefore agree to establish and patronize a public school which shall be confined to the county of Augusta. At present it shall be managed by Mr. William Graham, a gentleman properly recommended to this Presbytery, and under the inspection of Rev. John Brown." The change of place was made "because there is [was] no person to take the management of it in the place first agreed upon [Staunton], and it is very uncertain whether there ever will be."

Thus the academy of Robert Alexander, presided over by Rev. John Brown, became the child of Hanover Presbytery. In 1775 this body appointed committees to raise an endowment fund. From the dwellers about the headwaters of the James and the Shenandoah the sum of one hundred and twenty-eight pounds was reported the following year.

May 6, 1776, the seven presbyteries met at Timber Ridge and made enactment thus: ''The presbytery find that as the Augusta Academy is circumstanced, it is highly necessary now to fix on the place for its situation and the person by whom it shall be conducted, and as this congregation of Timber Ridge appears to us to be a convenient place, and as they have obtained a minister whom we judge qualified, and Capt. Alexander Stuart and Mr. Samuel Huston each offering to give forty acres of land for the purpose convenient to the place of public worship, and the neighbors offering to build a hewed log-house, twenty-eight by twenty-four feet, one story and a half high, besides their subscriptions, . . . we agree that the Augusta Academy shall be placed on Timber Ridge upon those lands, and we choose Mr. William Graham rector and Mr. John Montgomery his assistant."' Twenty-four trustees were then appointed in behalf of the presbytery, the presbytery reserving to themselves " the right of visitation forever, as often as they shall judge it necessary."

One week later, May 13, 1776, the trustees, at their first meeting, left this record: "Pursuant to an order of the presbytery of Hanover, relative to the Academy of Liberty Hall, as it is hereafter to be called, instead of the Augusta Academy, . . . the following members of the trustees met."

So does this old record speak regarding the act of adoption, whereby the presbytery, younger by six years than the school, assumed control of the latter. That May-day of 1776 was a day whereon were proclaimed the principles of the Scotch-Irish race, viz.: The twin pillars upholding the state are the school and the church, and these all, pillars and superstructure, must find their resting-place in the hearts of freemen.

In this record, too, we meet Rev. William Graham, the Scotch-Irish organizer of the school. After two years' tutorship at Augusta Academy, he stands before us as first rector of Liberty Hall. He bore the scholastic seal of Nassau Hall along with the class of 1773. The place of his nativity was Paxton township, near Harrisburg, Pa., and his ancestral line ran back to the fierce moss-trooper of the low lands, who first broke through the wall of Agricola, the ruins of which are still called Graham's Dyke. Of the ability and personal worth of Rector Graham, let one testify who lacked not ability himself. Dr. Archibald Alexander delivered an address before the Alumni Association of Washington College at the commencement of 1843. He came, as he said, reckoning upon it as the last visit to his native heath. The sons of his alma mater and the friends of his youth, with all their generations, were gathered to hear him. His biography tells us that the afternoon heat of the crowded building, and the effort of the occasion, were too much for an old man like Dr. Alexander. "He faltered in the midst of his address, grew pale, stopped, and sank back into his scat." The effort was repeated, but again he faltered, and had to be carried to the open air. At once his friends urged that the audience be dismissed and the address printed. He declared his intention of finishing the speech. He refused even to allow the rest of it to be read by a friend. "What was the secret of his pertinacity?" asks his biographer. "He had an office to perform, he had a tribute to pay on that last occasion; and there, under the shadows of the old church, surrounded by the descendants of his paternal family, and of his contemporaries, amidst the tombs of his own generation, and within a few yards of the graves of his own parents, he sat and read his tribute to Mr. Graham, the audience clustering around him, and hanging with fixed and tearful attention on his closing words." The incident itself is a testimonial to Rector Graham's personal character. To inspire such lasting love and veneration in that leader of men, Dr. Alexander, is the crowning seal of Mr. Graham's individual greatness.

Let the words of the Princeton theologian give testimony to the Rector's qualifications as a teacher. Dr. Alexander was the sole survivor of the officers and students connected with Liberty Hall at the time of his entrance, and thus did he speak of his beloved teacher and friend : " He possessed a mind formed for profound and accurate investigation. He had studied the Latin and Greek classics with great care, and relished the beauties of those exquisite compositions. . . The science, however, which engaged his attention more than all others, except theology, was the philosophy of the mind. In this he took great delight, and to this devoted much time and attention. Though acquainted with the best treatises which had been published, his investigations were not carried on so much by books, as by a patient and repeated analysis of the various processes of thought as they arose in his own mind; and by reducing the phenomena thus observed to a regular system. The speaker is of opinion that the system of mental philosophy which he thus formed was in clearness and fullness, superior to any thing which has been given to the public, in the numerous works which have recently been published on this subject. And it is greatly to be regretted that his lectures were never fully committed to writing and published for the benefit of the world." Such was the tribute of the sage of Princeton seminary to the sage of Liberty Hall, as his master in philosophy.

But now hear the corner-stone of Princeton seminary ascribe honor to his father in theology. Glance down the life-story of Dr. Alexander, fifty-three years prior to this alumni address, and you find him, at the very crisis of his carer, standing before the rector. He has chosen his life-work, the office of the sacred ministry, and he now feels the necessity, he says, of "commencing the study of theology with more method." "I expected," so runs the diary, "to be put to reading many ponderous volumes in Latin, and endeavored to brace my nerves for the effort. Accordingly I went to Mr. Graham with a request that he would direct my studies. He smiled and said,  'If you mean ever to be a theologian, you must come at it not by reading, but by thinking.' "Through the dim light of a century we now look back to that year 1790, and beneath the shadows of Liberty Hall Academy, we see laid the cornerstone'of Scotch-Irish theological training. Said Dr. Alexander in the alumni address: "After the great revival which commenced in this valley, in the year 1789, Mr. Graham had a theological class of seven or eight members under his tuition, which was kept up for several years. It was his custom to devote one day in the week to hearing the written discourses of these candidates, and to a free discussion of theological points. In these exercises he appeared to take a great delight, and the students were always gratified and commonly convinced by his lucid statements and cogent reasonings. As most of those who enjoyed the benefit of his instructions, in this incipient theological seminary, are not now in the world, it may not be improper to say that some of them rose to eminence in the church, and as professors or presidents of literary institutions." Liberty Hall, termed by Dr. Alexander, "this incipient theological seminary," was made officially such by the synod of Virginia in 1791. It was proposed that the synod "should institute and encourage some plan calculated to educate persons designed for the gospel ministry." . . . "Taking this measure, therefore, into serious consideration, the synod recommend that there be two general institutions for learning conducted under the patronage of this body—the one to be established in Rockbridge county, in this state, under the care of the Rev. William Graham, as the President; the other in Washington county, Penna., under the care of the Rev- John McMillan." September, 1793, "a petition was presented [to synod] from the Trustees of the Academy of Liberty Hall, stating that they had agreed to the conditions on which the synod proposed last year to patronize said academy." As professor of theology under the synod and as rector of the academy under the trustees, Mr. Graham presided over Liberty Hall, until his resignation in 1791.

In these records and biographical notes do we trace back to Liberty Hall and to her Rector, William Graham, those principles of mental philosophy and of theology which, during the forty years from 1812 to 1851, were taught by the first professor of Princeton Seminary—a system which embodies in theological form the very life of our race, and in this day and generation, under the name of Princeton Theology, forms the chief glory of Scotch-Irish Presbyterianism.

When we turn to get a view of those early classic walls where Graham first taught, only one passing glimpse is given us. In the Southern Literary Messenger, Dr. Campbell leaves us recollections of a visit to Augusta Academy sometime during the two years 1774-76, when Graham was tutor and not yet Rector. The picture might well be thought a classic scene, drawn from ancient Athens. The log building in the oak-tree grove—the elevated plateau affording an exquisite prospect—the assemblage of vigorous youth at the hour of recreation engaged in feats of strength and speed. Then came the sound of the horn, calling some to study and some to recite the Greek verb Tupto. About the preceptor in a semicircle they gathered, and like a self-regulating machine began to repeat the flowing syllables. Grave and reserved was the master's face, though a smile of approval would light up his features "when small boys by superior scholarship raised themselves above those who were full-grown." When the studies and recitations of the day were ended, a short devotional exercise dismissed all homeward.

So fades from sight the log-building unto which Hanover Presbytery anew gave "local habitation and a name." Twenty-eight by twenty-four stood the new academy, one story and a-half in height. For one hundred and sixty pounds, ten shillings, the Rector had provided an air pump, electric machine, sextant and microscope, telescope, a set of maps and a pair of twelve-inch globes. Added thereto was the library of one hundred and eighty volumes. Among the books could be found the sermons of Atterbury and Smith, the works of Hervey, the Spectator, Burnet on the Thirty-nine Articles, Pike's Cases of Conscience, Edwards on the Affections, Clark's Homer, Ćsop's Fables, and Seneca's Morals. From a college thus equipped came men whose names are widely known to fame. From that nursling of Revolution, before the war had closed, there went forth four college Presidents, Samuel Doak, Moses Hoge, James Priestly, and James Carrick; United States Senators and Congressmen, among them the Breckinridges and Browns, of Kentucky, and Andrew Moore, of Virginia; distinguished lawyers and judges, Blackburn, Campbell, and McClung; college professors and ministers of the Gospel.

But the crowning glory of the Academy's early history is her leadership of Revolutionary sentiment. January 20, 1775, months before the "Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence," the freeholders of the county of Fincastle, through their committee of fifteen, Col. William Christian being chairman thereof, presented an address to the Continental Congress, from which I quote these sentiments: "We are ready and willing to contribute all in our power for the support of His Majesty's Government, if applied to constitutionally, and when the grants are made to our representatives, but can not think of submitting our liberty or property to the power of a venal British Parliament, or to the will of a corrupt British ministry. We by no means desire to shake off our duty or allegiance to our lawful sovereign, but on the contrary, shall ever glory in being the loyal subjects of a Protestant prince, descended from such illustrious progenitors, so long as we can enjoy the free exercise of our religion as Protestants, and our liberties and properties as British subjects.

"But, if no pacific measures shall be proposed or adopted by Great Britain, and our enemies will attempt to dragoon us out of those inestimable privileges which we are entitled to as subjects, and to reduce us to slavery, we declare that we are deliberately and resolutely determined never to surrender them to any power upon earth but at the expense of our lives." With this Declaration of Independence Liberty Hall was intimately associated. The sentiment of these free-holders was a sentiment of which she was the center. The Academy sat just without the border of the county of Fincastle, and the chairman of the committee, Col. William Christian, and one-third of the whole number of its members, were afterward chosen trustees of Liberty Hall.

In the crisis of the succeeding year the freeholders of Augusta, in the immediate vicinity of Liberty Hall, were the first to speak. May 6, 1776, the seven presbyters at Timber Ridge adopted the academy; that same day assembled in Williamsburg the Virginia convention. The action of those two bodies was that day linked together by two men, Thomas Lewis and Samuel McDowell. They were chosen trustees of Liberty Hall, and, at the same time, took their seats as members of the convention. May 10, four days later, these two trustees presented to the convention a memorial, thus referred to in the journal: "A representation from the committee of the county of Augusta was presented to the convention and read, setting forth the present unhappy situation of the country, and from the ministerial measures of wrongs now pursuing, representing the necessity of making the confederacy of the united colonies the most perfect, independent and lasting, and of framing an equal, free and liberal government, that may bear the test of all future ages." Through the trustees of Liberty Hall did this avowal of the necessity of independence find expression—the first ever recorded in the proceedings of a parliamentary body of the colonists. May 15, 1776, the convention unanimously resolved to instruct the Virginia delegates to the Continental Congress, to "declare the united colonies free and inde-pendent states," an action so gloriously consummated in the motion of Richard Henry Lee, June 7, and the resulting declaration, July 4, 1776.

Further than this did Liberty Hall lead the sentiment of freedom. The memorial presented to the convention by McDowell and Lewis only expressed sentiments already baptized in "the first blood of the revolution." The drama of Indian war was closed at Point Pleasant, October, 1774 ; the rifles that drove back the band under the red chief, Cornstalk, and thus quelled the rising confederacy of Indian tribes, had often roused the echoes round Augusta academy. Many of the soldiers in that battle had, most probably, been pupils under Robert Alexander, and the seven chief officers were, two years later, named trustees of Liberty Hall, viz.: General Andrew Lewis, commander-in-chief, whom Washington recommended as leader of the continental armies, Colonel Fleming, Captain McKee, Captain Moffatt and Lieutenant Andrew Moore, with Colonel Christian and Colonel Preston, leaders of the reserves.

Later in the War, when the cloud of disaster hung low, a son of Liberty Hall buckled on the sword of his Highland grandfather and struck the blow that changed the course of British triumph and brought us the final victory. General William Campbell, the hero of King's Mountain, had sat at the feet of William Graham in the log academy. These events show the principles of our race in action, and Liberty Hall as a leader in the conflict. Her spirit moved the pens that first boldly declared the principle of individual freedom—her spirit nerved the right arms that vindicated it in battle. This principle of " liberty or death," carried into action, was exemplified in 1781, by Rector Graham himself. Where do we find the philosopher and theologian on a certain Sunday in June of that year? Leaving the pulpit and the Bible and taking up the sword—gathering a company of militia and marching, as their captain, to Rockfish Gap, in the Blue Ridge, to keep back the threatened invasion of Tarleton. A glorious picture with which to close the first chapter in the story of Liberty Hall—her rector standing on the misty mountain-top, a leader in the line of battle, holding prayers with his men at nightfall, sternly waiting to keep back the invader from his native soil, or baptize that rampart with his blood.

II. Liberty Hall Academy the earliest monument to the Separation of Church and State.

It was laid upon the log academy of Timber Ridge, as her mission, to vindicate the principles handed down as a common heritage, from father to son, of the Scotch-Irish race, viz., a free state and a free conscience. Every oak log in the little building was a protest against bondage. Her voice was earliest in urging the policy of civil liberty—but thus far was only half the fight for freedom. A free state was as naught to a Scotch-Irishman if it left his conscience in bonds. Therefore, a sequel most fitting to the memorial of May, 1776, was the Virginia League and Covenant of 1785.

At Bethel Church, almost within view of the earliest site of Augusta Academy, August 10, 1785, met the Second League and Covenant of the Scotch-Irish race. It came together as a general convention of the Presbyterians of Virginia, at the call of Hanover Presbytery. The question for consideration was a bill then pending before the state Assembly providing for the support of religion by public taxation. Partiality to sect or people there was none in its specifications. In this convention gathered the men who had founded Liberty Hall—the Presbytery of Hanover with all its clans. Hither to Bethel they flocked to erect a memorial, even a pillar of protest against civil intervention in affairs of church. The carving of the pillar was the work of the rector of Liberty Hall.

The covenanters at Gray Friars' Church, Edinburgh, in 1638, leagued themselves to resist the new prayer-book of Archbishop Laud.

The covenanters at Bethel Church, in 1785, joined their voices not against the form of worship prescribed by the State, but against any intervention of what kind soever in affairs spiritual by the civil authority. The covenanters of Edinburgh were rebels—the covenanters of Bethel were revolutionists. By the covenant of Edinburgh, when ratified by the Parliaments of England and Scotland and by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in 1643, Presbyterianism was to be established in the kingdoms of England, Ireland, and Scotland, and "popery, prelacy, superstition, heresy, and schism were to be extirpated." For the "divine right" of bishops there was substituted the "divine right" of presbyters. From national episcopacy a change was made to national Presbyterianism. Still was it the Church of England, by whatever form administered. The establishment of the Long Parliament claimed the right of dictating a creed to British subjects. When they offered terms of peace to Charles I, this condition was prominent— the establishment of Presbyterianism. Never a word said they of toleration or liberty of conscience. For their loyalty to the king in 1649 the Presbyterians received an ill return—the second Charles publicly burned the League and Covenant in 1661. Under Charles and the second James the covenanters passed under the rod. At the end of this period of cross-bearing they saw the divine right of kings made void by the presence of William and Mary on the throne. As to liberty of conscience in England and Ireland, the jus divinum of bishops was muzzled by the Act of Toleration—in Scotland the Presbyterian Church was rendered a creature of the state, a modified "right divine" of the presbyter. Thus the first League and Covenant resulted, in 1706, in one state and two established churches—parliamentary government instead of a tyrant king—the hierarchy of an established church split in twain. Such was the work of Scotland's League and Covenant. Only half-finished was the mission of the Scotch-Irish race. Wait until the second League and Covenant! Wait until the words of Graham sound the note of complete liberty of conscience. Already was the liberty of state made sure. Then the pen of the rector wrote: "The end of civil government is security to the temporal liberty and property of mankind, and to protect them in the free exercise of religion. . . . Religion is altogether personal, and the right of exercising it inalienable; and it is not, can not, and ought not to be resigned to the will of the society at large, and much less to the legislature which derives its authority wholly from the consent of the people. ... Its divine author did not think it necessary to render it [religion] dependent on earthly governments. And experience has shown that this dependence, where it has been effected, has been an injury rather than an aid." The thrilling scenes of the signing of the League at Edinburgh were enacted again among the hills of Virginia. Ten thousand names were affixed to the document drawn at Bethel. At the bar of the assembly the memorial was ably seconded by Rev. John Blair Smith, President of Hampden Sidney. The bill for the support of religious taxation was lost, and in December of the same year there was passed "An Act for establishing Religious Freedom."

Thus was finished by the Second League and Covenant the work of the Scotch-Irish race for freedom of conscience. The pen of Liberty Hall's first rector cut asunder the previous alliance of church and state, and was largely instrumental in obtaining the first legal statute declaring that a man's conscience is his own.

A glance backward over the field will show further connection of Liberty Hall with this victory. The bill for religious freedom, drawn up by Jefferson and passed by the parliamentary influence and skill of Madison, was framed from sentiments already expressed in bold terms by the founders of the log-colleges in Augusta and Prince Edward.

When the Scotch-Irish entered Virginia, the English Act of Toleration had already found its way into the colonial statutes. But it was administered with a stern hand. A house of worship for the use of dissenters could not be erected without a license issued by the Council of State and registered in the county court. Their ministers had to abjure "The Pretender," the pope, and transubstantiation — and even after such vows, were not allowed to celebrate the rite of marriage.

In the year 1748, two young men stood before the bar of the council to hear a decision expressing a still more strict interpretation of Toleration. Samuel Davies and John Rodgers prayed a license for Rodgers, in addition to that a year before granted to Davies. The permission was refused; only one minister in one province was the policy actuating such a decision. In the same year, Isaac Winston and Samuel Morris, by decision of suits begun years before, were each fined twenty shillings and costs of prosecution for holding religious services without license. While such treatment was meted out to the Tide-water dissenters, those on the frontier were suffered to build and to preach without restraint—their churches being the best bulwarks to keep back Indian raids. The stone meeting-house of Augusta was completed within the same twelve-month that Davies began to preach alone in Hanover. The energy of Rev. John Craig had upreared that solid sanctuary after a pastoral work of eight years. In 1740, he had entered the valley, "the first pastor of the American Synod in the Colony of Virginia." Then came Rev. John Brown, 1753, to shepherd the flock at New Providence and to exercise supervision over Augusta Academy.

One ecclesiastical organization was at last forged from the multiplied labors of these pioneers. Across the Blue Ridge it stretched, a linked band of Scotch-Irishmen. At one end of the presbyterial rampart was the academy of Robert Alexander, intrenched amid the mountains, the arsenal whence were to be drawn the weapons of spiritual warfare. The authority of the Synod of New York was laid upon this section in 1755, and the Presbytery of Hanover was formed. It followed the tenets of its parent organization, and belonged to the "New Side," sympathizing with the "revival" views of Whitefield. Six ministers and churches formed the new presbyterial company— among them Rev. John Brown. Mr. Craig leaned to the " Old Side," and joined the presbytery only in 1758, after the junction of the synods of New York and of Philadelphia. By this consolidated synod Hanover was sanctioned as a regularly formed presbytery. Thus united in their very foundations were Augusta Academy and Hanover Presbytery. Six years of age was the one when her founders and patrons were sealed by the synod as constituent members of the other. Nearly twenty years later they began to merge into organic connection. At the session of the presbytery in October, 1774, Augusta Academy was selected as the school to be "established and patronized." Before the same meeting came up the question of religious privileges, for the presbytery " agreed to meet on the second Wednesday of November next ... to remonstrate against a bill" devised for the restriction of religious rights. At this adjourned meeting was drawn up the first memorial of the presbytery in behalf of their rights of public worship. The paper prayed the granting of their right to worship when and where it pleased them. When William Graham was licensed to preach the Gospel, this first memorial was the subject of discussion in the presbytery. The key-note of the petition was expressed in the prayer "for that freedom in speaking and writing upon religious subjects which is allowed by law to every member of the British empire in civil affairs"—a sentiment which in 1776 was, upon motion of Patrick Henry, embodied in the Virginia Bill of Rights. From the presbytery came up a second memorial, in October, 1776, which was considered in committee of the whole House. The result was, in Jefferson's words, "After desperate contests in that committee almost daily from October 11 to December 5, we prevailed so far only as to repeal the laws which rendered criminal the maintenance of any religious opinions, . . . and further to exempt dissenters from contributions to the support of the established church." Both these memorials were probably written by Caleb Wallace, one of the seven presbyters at Timber Ridge, May, 1776, and perhaps this second memorial was drawn at that meeting.

While Jefferson was preparing the bill for religious freedom, in 1777, there came the third memorial protesting against a general assessment for the support of the churches; this protest came from the presbytery, again in session at Timber Ridge, under the very shadow of Liberty Hall.

Jefferson's bill was proposed to the Assembly in 1779. For six years the contest over it continued. Presbytery's voice was heard in the fourth memorial, April, 1780. May, 1784, there came a fifth, and the sixth followed soon, October, 1784, the latter protesting against the incorporation of the Episcopal Church, long agitated and finally made an enactment that year. The passage of this incorporating act, and the proposed assessment, called the Virginia Presbyterians into the League and Covenant at Bethel. The accumulated sentiment of a long struggle gave vigor to Graham's pen as he indited the Covenant Memorial—the seventh in order, and the last. But behind them these memorialists had left a lasting monument of their sincerity—a pledge more powerful than any protest. Liberty Hall Academy, three years before, in 1782, had been established on a non-sectarian foundation. At the request of her rector, the young institution was given over to an incorporated board of trustees—the first institution of learning chartered under the constitution of Virginia.

The earliest monument of a great achievement of the Scotch-Irish race stands the university that has succeeded Liberty Hall. A monument marking a period of growth in the sentiment of that race; where the Scotch-Irish left behind not merely the " divine right" of bishops, but the "divine right" of presbyters, and were henceforth filled with a charity that surpasses the strength of sectarianism.

III. Liberty Hall Academy, the Literary Legatee of the Revolution. The second volume in the life story of the university of the Scotch-Irish in Virginia began with the closing years of the eighteenth century. Then it was that the seal of permanence was affixed to the school of the colonial pioneers by the leader of the colonial armies. From his chair as first president of the republic, in 1796, Washington turned to endow the academy of Alexander and of Graham.

As her testimonial to Washington's character and public services, Virginia had donated him, through the General Assembly of 1785, one hundred shares of stock in the James River Company and fifty shares in the Potomac Company. This gift was accepted on condition that the product arising there from should be applied to "the education and support of the children of the poor in this country, particularly the children of those men of this description who have fallen in the defense of the rights and liberties of it."

To him the rector and board of trustees now turned. Graham placed before him the academy, with a brief sketch of its upbuilding. "By voluntary contributions and some sacrifices of private property," said Graham, "plain but neat buildings, sufficiently capacious to accomodate between forty and fifty students," had been erected. The main building was of stone, and is yet standing, though in ruins. Two thousand pounds was the estimate placed upon the buildings and equipments. Each of the two thousand pounds of the original endowment spoke of sacrifice and self-denial. Each stone in the building was the memorial of a Scotch-Irish prayer. Yea, the entire institution, as it now stood topping the summit of the hill near the town of Lexington, was a living embodiment of the principles of our race. The appeal of this people was not in vain. This stone college was in the center of that region which was Washington's own training-school. Here was West Augusta, whither the colonial chief declared that he would retreat, if necessary, and make a last stand for liberty. Here were the men and the children of the men whose rifles had spoken at Fort Duquesne in such a manner as to save the army of Braddock; at Point Pleasant under Andrew Lewis, to save the colonies from Indian atrocity; at Saratoga under Morgan, and at King's Mountain under Campbell, to save the Revolution ; from these men the hero of Trenton and of Yorktown withheld not the helping hand. The one hundred shares in the James River Company were transferred "to the use of Liberty Hall Academy, in Rockbridge County."

To the address of gratitude from the Board of Trustees, Washington made reply thus:

"Mt. Vernon, 17th June, 1798.

"Gentlemen: To promote literature in this rising empire, and to encourage the arts, have ever been amongst the warmest wishes of my heart, and if the donation which the generosity of the legislature of the commonwealth of Virginia has enabled me to bestow upon Liberty Hall, now by your politeness called Washington Academy, is likely to prove a means to accomplish these ends, it will contribute to the gratification of my desires.

''Sentiments like those which have flowed from your pen excite my gratitude, whilst I offer my best vows for the prosperity of the academy, and for the honor and happiness of those under whose auspices it is conducted. "Geo. Washington.

"Trustees of Washington Academy."

The double seal of permanency, the name and endowment of Washington, was given the academy at the time the states were entering upon their period of "political probation." In 1813 the new structure, of wider proportions and increased facilities, was called, "The College of Washington, in Virginia." Her foundations were the labors and endowments of "the first theologian of his generation in Virginia," and of the warrior and statesman who had made the colonies the final stronghold of freedom.

Mingled with the patronage of Washington came other Revolutionary endowment. The surviving officers of that struggle had banded themselves together to preserve inviolate those affections and memories of which Washington was the center—to preserve the rights and liberties for which they had contended, and to "extend relief to such officers and their families as might stand in need of it." This organization took the name of "The Society of the Cincinnati," In 1802 the Virginia branch of this society decided to disband, and dispose of their funds in the following terms—a resolution adopted December 13, 1802:

"2. That the object of appropriation of the funds of the society be the seminary of learning in the county of Rockbridge, denominated Washington Academy (to which the shares of the James River Company, heretofore vested in our late illustrious leader and hero, General Washington, have by him been appropriated), subject to such charges of a charitable nature as have been or may be adopted by this society."

Then came the Scotch-Irishman, John Robinson, a trustee of the college, and a soldier under Washington, bearing another offering to the shrine made sacred by the gift of his venerated leader. By his last will and testament, Robinson's entire estate passed to Washington College in 1826.

The amount of these Revolutionary legacies was large for those days of scanty fortunes. Washington's bequest reached the sum of $50,000—that of the Cincinnati Society added $25,000, and this endowment was swelled by $46,500 from the estate of Robinson.

From this foundation the work of Washington College spread abroad. Into the West, South and Southwest went her sons to share in the work of carving new commonwealths for the Federal union. Into breathing, lucid images of state were shaped the territories along the banks of the Cumberland, the Tennessee, the Ohio, and the Mississippi. No second part in this upbuilding of nationality was borne by the graduates of Washington College. In the original colonies along the Atlantic sea-board her alumni were leaders of public sentiment, and sat in the seats of government.

At last approached the year of her first centenary, 1849. Then seemed to be fulfilled unto this school of prophets ecclesiastical and political a promise like to that of which the patriarch Jacob spake, when he called his sons about him for the last time: "The Lord said unto me, Behold, I will make thee fruitful, and multiply thee, and [ will make of thee a company of peoples." Her president, in that hour of prosperity, was a minister of the gospel—Rev. George Jun-kin, D.D. Twelve sons, each the patriarch of a tribe of disciples, saw Washington College when she looked over her family record of ten decades, with a prophetic glance forward to see the career of some yet to receive her seal. Around the circle of states they were scattered— Samuel Doak, President of Washington College, Tennessee; Samuel Carrick, President of Blount College; Moses Hoge, President Hampden Sydney College, Virginia; James Priestley, President Cumberland University, Tennessee; James Moore, President Transylvania University; George A. Baxter, President of his alma muter, 1799-1829; William C. Preston, President South Carolina College; Henry Ruffner, President of his alma mater, 1835-1848; James H. Piper, President East Tennessee University; Drury Lacy, President Davidson College; Socrates Maupin, chairman of the faculty, University of Virginia; and as the twelfth son—the Joseph to whom was given the portion above his brethren—we name Archibald Alexander, President of Hampden Sydney College, and first professor of Princeton Seminary. All these are the twelve tribes of Washington College. Another son, in time still later, she saw Superintendent of the Virginia Military Institute—General Scott Shipp.

In the line of greater prophets, professors in theological seminaries, she saw her sons stand honored ; among them Dr. William S. Plumer of Alleghany and Columbia seminaries; Dr. John H. Rice of Union seminary, once chosen president of Princeton college; Drs. Graham and Wilson of Union, James K. Burch, professor theology Center college, Kentucky, and Dr. Robert Watts, whom she sent forth that summer of 1849 as a Scotch-Irish century plant, to teach theology in the Assembly college, Belfast, Ireland. Of the minor prophets, college professors and principals of classical and high schools, a great host rose up to call her blessed. In the first rank of these were two Scotch-Irish members of the present faculty of the University of Virginia, Milton W. Humphreys, professor of Greek, and James H. Gilmore, professor equity and constitutional law. North and south, west as well as east, went these heralds of learning, many of them distinguished educators in the "rising empire." In advance of these, and more numerous still, was a great band of shepherds, ministers of the gospel, whose words of power and works of love laid the foundations whereon the Southern church of to-day is builded. To mold the morals and to strengthen the faith of a whole land, was the mission largely shared in by the "sons of the prophets" trained in the college of Washington.

Political prophets by the score went forth from her walls. For eight governors the gratitude of commonwealths was accorded the institution as she continued her survey; Kentucky paid homage for Crittenden, Virginia for McDowell, Letcher, Kemper and McKinney, Mississippi for McNutt.

Twelve United States senators the college had furnished to the councils of the nation; Breckinridge and the Browns of Kentucky, H. S. Foote, Ellis and Adams of Mississippi, William C. Preston of South Carolina, already named as college president, Parker and Moore of Virginia, Morton of Florida, McKee of Alabama, and Strange of North Carolina. Of members of Congress, more than a score were her sons, representing the states of Kentucky, Georgia, Florida, Virginia and Mississippi. Of judges she counted two score and more, in the front thereof, Robert Trimble and Todd of the United States Supreme court, and Burks, Allen, Coalter and Anderson of the Court of Appeals of Virginia, John Trimble of Court of Appeals of Kentucky, McDowell and McKee, United States district judge, and Stuart of Circuit Court of Missouri. The voice of her state legislators had been heard in nearly every commonwealth in the South and Southwest. The professions of law and medicine were crowded with practitioners trained in her halls. The commerce and business interests of the same great region were, in no small measure, directed by her alumni. A veritable center of life, with half a continent for a family homestead, and states and territories as dwelling places for her sons, had the college of Washington become at the close of her first century.

A shrine of liberty, too, she was for her children of every territory and every creed. Within her walls the cavalier of Tidewater bent over his studies side by side with the Scotch-Irishman. The churchman sat on the same seat with the covenanter. The blessing of George Washington had unified the sentiments of those who came within reach of the college's influence. They were Americans all, and the halls of this seat of the muses looked down with equal favor on all sections and on all sects. She saw no political nor religious divisions—her pupils were to her, each and all, the sons of the men who had fought for American nationality. For a century she had stood as the exponent of the creed of the Scotch-Irish race, viz.: Death to tyrants—freedom under a constitution, and forth from a thousand answering hills and valleys had come the youths, even of other races, to be trained in that creed. Men of brawn and of brain she had discipled to vindicate that principle with the sword, to uphold it with pen and voice until it became the chain linking together a whole land. Washington College stood as the liberty-tree of an entire people, with her roots spread abroad in their sympathies and her branches adding refinement to their lives. A splendid ripening from the Revolutionary planting—a wide founding to insure the future steady growth. A hundred years of academy and college were only forerunners of success as university.

IV. The University of Washington and Lee.

June 21, 1865, the board of trustees gathered about the college of Washington. The storm of war had left her a wreck. Only four professors and about forty students lingered within her desolate walls. The state was bankrupt, and in consequence there was no product from the college endowment, vested entirely in Virginia securities. Her apparatus was destroyed and her library scattered to the winds. Her sons, where were they? A hundred battle-fields gave answer. Scores of them had baptized the cause of their fathers in their life-blood. The "Liberty Hall Volunteers," composed of the class of 1861, under Prof. J. J. White as captain, were in the center of that brigade of Scotch-Irish who stood "like a stone wall" at the battle of first Manassas, thus giving to Gen. Jackson his well-known title. The officers of the "Stonewall Brigade," during its entire career, were, nearly all of them, sons of Washington College. The private members of the brigade were likewise largely of her family. A heritage of "glory and undying fame" was all that remained to this college of more than a century's growth.

Funds had vanished, but the principles whereon the institution was founded were still uncompromised. Scotch-Irish courage was yet undaunted—upon it now rested the task of bringing life out of death. The trustees were equal to the emergency. At this June meeting of the board, three Scotch-Irish members were added, and an adjournment was made until August. Among these college directors there was found a determination and devotion like that displayed by her original founders. Lineal descendants of the patrons and founders of Liberty Hall were of the number. Revolutionary heroes had grandsons there to represent them. Rev. William Brown, D.D., was the son of a pupil of Graham at Liberty Hall. Bolivar Christian and David E. Moore bore names represented at the battle of Point Pleasant. Judge William McLaughlin, whose wise care as rector of the board has been greatly instrumental in placing the present university on a firm financial basis, traced his ancestral line back through Point Pleasant and Yorktown to Londonderry. William T. Poague, William M. Tate, John McD. Alexander, Hugh Barclay, Samuel McD. Reid, and William A. Glasgow were likewise men of Scotch-Irish mould, and descendants of Revolutionary heroes. Judge John W. Brockenbrough, founder of the law school of the university, and a descendant of Carter Braxton, who signed the Declaration of Independence, Judge F. T, Anderson, who sprang from a hero of the Revolution and of the war of 1812, Thomas J. Kirkpatrick, James D. Davidson, Rev. Horatio Thompson, D.D., and Alfred Leyburn, M.D., completed the list of the rebuilders of the old college.

It was unanimously agreed to that the institution should be opened in the autumn of that year. These trustees pledged their individual credit in negotiating a loan. Even in this hour of disaster, plans wide-reaching were matured. From her ashes soon sprang this plant of Revolution to spread abroad more widely still her branches over an entire people. The cloud lifted—the silver lining thereof waxed clearer and brighter; into a golden mantle of kind generosity erelong was it transformed. From every section, North as well as South, poured in testimonials of sympathy.

This very day (May 29), in the city of Richmond, Va., the heart of a whole people bows in affection before the bronze figure of the man called by the board of trustees in August, 1865, to the presidency of Washington College. Robert E. Lee, a churchman, was placed at the head of a Scotch-Irish institution—Scotch-Irish now in the highest and best sense, viz., nationally, representative and non-sectarian. ''It is the duty of every citizen, in the present condition of the country, to do all in his power to aid in the restoration of peace and harmony," was the sentiment expressed by the new president as he took his place in the seat made national by the gift of Washington.

Robert E. Lee was a soldier. He modestly distrusted his own fitness for the position of college president, but he yielded to the urgent solicitations of the board. "I have a self-imposed task," said he, "which I must accomplish. I have led the young men of the south in battle; I have seen many of them fall under my standard. I shall devote my life now to training young men to do their duty in life." His ability as an organizer soon brought the college into a wider usefulness than ever before. The course of instruction was enlarged; in-creased patronage came from every section, and when the beloved president passed away the college was ready to be incorporated as a university. In 1870 the seal of state gave to Washington College the corporate title, The Washington and Lee University. Since that time she has been presided over by George Washington Custis Lee.

In the upbuilding of the institution into a new name and a new career, a generous aid has been extended by the people of the North. From Philadelphia has come the munificent gift of Dr. Vincent L. Bradford, viz., his law library, his splendid collection of paintings, and one-half of his large estate, for the endowment of a chair of "Civil Law and Equity Jurisprudence," and also the "Bradford Chair of Constitutional and International Law." From gentlemen of Philadelphia, also, have come the generous donations whereon are now founded the "Thomas A. Scott Professorship of Applied Mathematics," endowed by Col. Thomas A. Scott; the "Howard Houston Fellowship," endowed by Mr. H. H. Houston; likewise, a large number of rare, Costly, and most valuable books, belonging to the late Thomas B. Wilson, "whose name is conspicuously associated with the 'Academy of Natural Sciences and the Entomological Society of Philadelphia,'" have been contributed by his brother, Mr. Rathmell Wilson.

From New York have been sent the donations of Mr. and Mrs. Warren Newcomb, of Col. J. H. Mapleson, and of Mr. F. O. French, and that of Mr. Lewis Brooks, of Rochester, New York. From these have been established "The Lewis Brooks Museum of Natural History," the "Mapleson Scholarship," the "F. O. French Scholarship,'' and 'Newcomb Hall,' a commodious library building and art gallery. The university is also indebted to Mr. W. W. Corcoran, of Washington City, and to Mrs. Evelina H. Birely, of Baltimore, for large benefactions, whereon are established "The Luther Seevers Birely Scholarship," and the "Corcoran Professorship of Greek.'' From Hon. George Peabody, of London, has come the handsome endowment of a quarter of a million of dollars, recognized in the " Pea-body Professorship of Latin." The "Bayley Professorship of General and Applied Chemistry" is due to the gift of Robert H. Bayley, of New Orleans, La. Recent gifts are those of Mrs. Donovan, of Baltimore, and Mrs. Ross, of Virginia.

Scotch-Irish generosity has not been slow in adding strength to this Scotch-Irish university. Cyrus H. McCormick was born and bred almost beneath the shadow of Washington College. In early life he became a member of New Providence, the church that grew up side by side with Augusta Academy. In his later years, from the noble work of uprearing a theological seminary in the North-west, Mr. McCormick turned with generous hand to help the great institution of learning that had grown up almost within sight of his boyhood's home. "The McCormick Professorship of Natural Philosophy " fittingly commemorates his genius and his generosity.

Through such open-handed liberality from every section of our land, the old champion of freedom in church and in state has become truly a representative institution — not local, but national. She still inscribes upon her banner no partisan dogmas, ecclesiastical or political. Upon her altar still burns the fire that tells of love for country—a country one and undivided. To the sympathy and support of this, our common land and home, she looks for a yet wider extension of her influence.

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