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WHEN the disastrous news of
the battle of lnverlochy reached Edinburgh, the Estates were thrown into a
state of great alarm. They had, no doubt, begun to fear, before that
event, and, of course, to respect the prowess of Montrose, but they never
could have been made to believe that, within the space of a few days, a
well-appointed army, composed in part of veteran troops, would have been
utterly defeated by a force so vastly inferior in point of numbers, and
beset with difficulties and dangers to which the army of Argyle was not
exposed. Nor were the fears of the Estates much allayed by the appearance
of Argyle, who arrived at Edinburgh to give them an account of the affair,
"having his left arm tied up in a scarf, as if he had been at
bones-breaking." It is true that Lord Balmerino made a speech before
the assembly of the Estates, in which he affirmed, that the great loss
reported to be sustained at Inverlochy "was but the invention of the
malignants, who spake as they wished," and that "upon his honour,
not more than thirty of Argyle’s men had been killed;" but as the
disaster was well known, this device only misled the weak and ignorant.
Had Montrose at this juncture descended into the Lowlands, it is not
improbable that his presence might have given a favourable turn to the
state of matters in the south, where the king’s affairs were in the most
precarious situation; but such a design does not seem to have accorded
with his views of prolonging the contest in the Highlands, which were more
suitable than the Lowlands to his plan of operations, and to the nature of
his forces.
Accordingly, after allowing
his men to refresh themselves a few days at Inverlochy, Montrose returned
across the mountains of Lochaber into Badenoch, "with displayed
banner." Marching down the south side of the Spey, he crossed that
river at Balchastel, and entered Moray without opposition. He proceeded by
rapid strides towards the town of Inverness, which he intended to take
possession of; but, on arriving in the neighbourhood, he found it
garrisoned by the Iaird of Lawers’ and Buchanan’s regiments. As he did
not wish to consume his time in a siege, he immediately altered his course
and marched in the direction of Elgin, issuing, as he went along, a
proclamation in the king’s name, calling upon all males, from 16 to 60
years of age, to join him immediately, armed as they best could, on foot
or on horse, and that under pain of fire and sword, as rebels to the king.
In consequence of this threat Montrose was joined by some of the
Moray-men, including the laird of Grant and 200 of his followers; and, to
show an example of severity, he plundered the houses and laid waste the
estates of many of the principal gentlemen of the district, carrying off,
at the same time, a large quantity of cattle and effects, and destroying
the boats and nets which they fell in with on the Spey.
Whilst Montrose was thus
laying waste part of Moray, a committee of the Estates, consisting of the
Earl of Seaforth, the laird of Tunes, Sir Robert Gordon, the laird of
Pluscardine, and others, was sitting at Elgin; these, on hearing of his
proceedings, prohibited the holding of the fair which was kept there
annually on Fasten’s eve, and to which many merchants and others in the
north resorted, lest the property brought there for sale might fall a prey
to Montrose’s army. They, at the same time, sent Sir Robert Gordon,
Mackenzie of Pluscardine, and Innes of Luthers, to treat with Montrose, in
name of the gentry of Moray, most of whom were then assembled in Elgin;
but he refused to enter into any negotiation, offering, at the same time,
to accept of the services of such as would join him and obey him as the
king’s lieutenant. Before this answer had been communicated to the
gentry at Elgin, they had all fled from the town in consequence of hearing
that Montrose was advancing upon them with rapidity. The laird of Innes,
along with some of his friends, retired to the castle of Spynie, possessed
by his eldest son, which was well fortified and provided with every
necessary for undergoing a siege. The laird of Duffus went into
Sutherland. As soon as the inhabitants of the town saw the committee
preparing to leave it, most of them also resolved to depart, which they
did, carrying along with them their principal effects. Some went to
Inverness, and others into Ross, but the greater part went to the castle
of Spynie, where they sought and obtained refuge.
Apprehensive that Montrose
might follow up the dreadful example he had shown, by burning the town, a
proposal was made to, and accepted by him, to pay four thousand merks to
save the town from destruction; but, on entering it, which he did on the
19th of February, his men, and particularly the laird of Grant’s party,
were so disappointed in their hopes of plunder, in consequence of the
inhabitants having carried away the best of their effects, that they
destroyed every article of furniture which was left.
Montrose was joined, on his
arrival at Elgin, by Lord Gordon, the eldest son of the Marquis of Huntly,
with some of his friends and vassals. This young nobleman had been long
kept in a state of durance by Argyle, his uncle, contrary to his own
wishes, and now, when an opportunity had for the first time occurred, he
showed the bent of his inclination by declaring for the king.
On taking possession of
Elgin, Montrose gave orders to bring all the ferry-boats on the Spey to
the north side of the river, and he stationed sentinels at all the fords
up and down, to watch any movements which might be made by the enemies’
forces in the south.
Montrose, thereupon, held a
council of war, at which it was determined to cross the Spey, march into
the counties of Banff and Aberdeen, by the aid of Lord Gordon, raise the
friends and retainers of the Marquis of Huntly, and thence proceed into
the Mearns, where another accession of forces was expected. Accordingly,
Montrose left Elgin on the 4th of March with the main body of his army,
towards the Bog of Gicht, accompanied by the Earl of Seaforth, Sir Robert
Gordon, the lairds of Grant, Pluscardine, Findrassie, and several other
gentlemen who "had come in to him" at Elgin. To punish the Earl
of Findlater, who had refused to join him, Montrose sent the Farquharsons
of Braemar before him, across the Spey, who plundered, without mercy, the
town of Cohen, belonging to the earl.
After crossing the Spey,
Montrose, either apprehensive that depredations would be committed upon
the properties of his Moray friends who accompanied him, by the two
regiments which garrisoned Inverness, and the Covenanters of that
district, or having received notice to that effect, he allowed the Earl of
Seaforth, the laird of Grant, and the other Moray gentlemen, to return
home to defend their estates; but before allowing them to depart, he made
them take a solemn oath of allegiance to the king, and promise that they
should never henceforth take up arms against his majesty or his loyal
subjects. At the same time, he made them come under an engagement to join
him with all their forces as soon as they could do so. The Earl of
Seaforth, however, disregarded his oath, and again joined the ranks of the
Covenanters. In a letter which he wrote to the committee of Estates at
Aberdeen, he stated that he had yielded to Montrose through fear only, and
he avowed that he would abide by "the good cause to his death."
On Montrose’s arrival at
Strathbogie, or Gordon castle, Lord Graham, his eldest son, a most
promising youth of sixteen, became unwell, and died after a few days’
illness. The loss of a son who had followed him in his campaigns, and
shared with him the dangers of the field, was a subject of deep regret to
Montrose. While Montrose was occupied at the death-bed of his son, Lord
Gordon was busily employed among the Gordons, out of whom he speedily
raised a force of about 500 foot, and 160 horse.
With this accession to his
forces, Montrose left Strathbogie and marched towards Banff, on his route
to the south. In passing by the house of Cullen, in Boyne, the seat of the
Earl of Findlater, who had fled to Edinburgh, and left the charge of the
house to the countess, a party of Montrose’s men entered the house,
which they plundered of all its valuable contents. They then proceeded to
set the house on fire, but the countess entreated Montrose to order his
men to desist, and promised that if her husband did not come to Montrose
and give him satisfaction within fifteen days, she would pay him 20,000
merks, of which sum she instantly paid down 5,000. Montrose complied with
her request, and also spared the lands, although the earl was "a
great Covenanter." Montrose’s men next laid waste the lands in the
Boyne, burnt the houses, and plundered the minister of the place of all
his goods and effects, including his books. The laird of Boyne shut
himself up in his stronghold, the Crag, where he was out of danger; but he
had the misfortune to see his lands laid waste and destroyed. Montrose
then went to Banff, which he gave up to indiscriminate plunder. His troops
did not leave a vestige of moveable property in the town, and they even
stripped to the skin every man they met with in the streets. They also
burned two or three houses of little value, but not a drop of blood was
shed.
From Banff Montrose
proceeded to Turriff, where a deputation from the town council of Aberdeen
waited upon him, to represent the many miseries which the loyal city had
suffered from its frequent occupation by hostile armies since the first
outbreaking of the unfortunate troubles which molested the kingdom.
They further represented,
that such was the terror of the inhabitants at the idea of another visit
from his Irish troops, that all the men and women, on hearing of his
approach, had made preparations for abandoning the town, and that they
would certainly leave it if they did not get an assurance from the marquis
of safety and protection. Montrose heard the commissioners patiently,
expressed his regret at the calamities which had befallen their town, and
bade them not be afraid, as he would take care that none of his foot, or
Irish, soldiers should come within eight miles of Aberdeen; and that if he
himself should enter the town, he would support himself at his own
expense. The commissioners returned to Aberdeen, and related the
successful issue of their journey, to the great joy of all the
inhabitants.
Whilst Montrose lay at
Turriff, Sir Nathaniel Gordon, with some troopers, went to Aberdeen, which
he entered on Sunday, the 9th of March, on which day there had been
"no sermon in either of the Aberdeens," as the ministers had
fled the town. The keys of the churches, gates, and jail were delivered to
him by the magistrates. The following morning Sir Nathaniel was joined by
100 Irish dragoons. After releasing some prisoners, he went to Torry, and
took, after a slight resistance, 1,800 muskets, pikes, and other arms,
which had been left in charge of a troop of horse. Besides receiving
orders to watch the town, Sir Nathaniel was instructed to send out scouts
as far as Cone to watch the enemy, who were daily expected from the south.
When reconnoitering, a skirmish took place at the bridge of Dee, in which
Captain Keith’s troop was routed. Finding the country quite clear, and
no appearance of the covenanting forces, Gordon returned back to the army,
which had advanced to Frendraught. No attempt was made upon the house of
Frendraught, which was kept by the young viscount in absence of his
father, who was then at Muchallis with his godson, Lord Fraser; but
Montrose destroyed 60 ploughs of land belonging to Frendraught within the
parishes of Forgue, Inverkeithnie, and Drumblade, and the house of the
minister of Forgue, with all the other houses, and buildings, and their
contents. Nothing, in fact, was spared. All the cattle, horses, sheep, and
other domestic animals, were carried off, and the whole of Frendraught’s
lands were left a dreary and uninhabitable waste.
From Pennyburn, Montrose
despatched, on the 10th of March, a letter to the authorities of Aberdeen,
commanding them to issue an order that all men, of whatever description,
between the age of sixteen and sixty, should meet him equipped in their
best arms, and such of them as had horses, mounted on the best of them, on
the 15th of March, at his camp at Inverury, under the pain of fire and
sword. In consequence of this mandate he was joined by a considerable
number of horse and foot. On the 12th of March, Montrose arrived at
Kintore, and took up his own quarters in the house of John Cheyne, the
minister of the place, whence he issued an order commanding each parish
within the presbytery of Aberdeen, (with the exception of the town of
Aberdeen,) to send to him two commissioners, who were required to bring
along with them a complete roll of the whole heritors, feuars, and
liferenters of each parish. His object, in requiring such a list, was to
ascertain the number of men capable of serving, and also the names of
those who should refuse to join him. Commissioners were accordingly sent
from the parishes, and the consequence was, that Montrose was joined daily
by many men who would not otherwise have assisted him, but who were now
alarmed for the safety of their properties. While at Kintore, an
occurrence took place which vexed Montrose exceedingly.
To reconnoitre and watch
the motions of the enemy, Montrose had, on the 12th of March, sent Sir
Nathaniel Gordon, along with Donald Farquharson, Captain Mortimer, and
other well-mounted cavaliers, to the number of about 80, to Aberdeen. This
party, perceiving no enemy in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, utterly
neglected to place any sentinels at the gates of the town, and spent their
time at their lodgings in entertainments and amusements. This careless
conduct did not pass unobserved by some of the Covenanters in the town,
who, it is said, sent notice thereof to Major-general Hurry, the second in
command under General Baillie, who was then lying at the North Water
Bridge with Lord Balcarras’s and other foot regiments. On receiving this
intelligence, Hurry put himself at the head of 160 horse and foot, taken
from the regular regiments, and some troopers and musketeers, and rode off
to Aberdeen in great haste, where he arrived on the 15th of March, at 8 o’clock
in the evening. Having posted sentinels at the gates to prevent any of
Montrose’s party from escaping, he entered the town at an hour when they
were all carelessly enjoying themselves in their lodgings, quite
unapprehensive of such a visit. The noise in the streets, occasioned by
the tramping of the horses, was the first indication they had of the
presence of the enemy, but it was then too late for them to defend
themselves. Donald Farquharson was killed in the street, opposite the
guard-house; "a brave gentleman," says Spalding, "and one
of the noblest captains amongst all the Highlanders of Scotland, and the
king’s man for life and death." The enemy stripped him of a rich
dress he had put on the same day, and left his body lying naked in the
street. A few other gentlemen were killed, and some taken prisoners, but
the greater part escaped. Hurry left the town next day, and, on his return
to Baillie’s camp, entered the town of Montrose, and carried off Lord
Graham, Montrose’s second son, a boy of fourteen years of age, then at
school, who, along with his teacher, was sent to Edinburgh, and committed
to the castle.
The gentlemen who had
escaped from Aberdeen returned to Montrose, who was greatly offended at
them for their carelessness. The magistrates of Aberdeen, alarmed lest
Montrose should inflict summary vengeance upon the town, as being
implicated in the attack upon the cavaliers, sent two commissioners to
Kintore to assure him that they were in no way concerned in that affair.
Although he heard them with great patience, he gave them no satisfaction
as to his intentions, and they returned to Aberdeen without being able to
obtain any promise from him to spare the town. Montrose contented himself
with making the merchants furnish him with cloth, and gold and silverlace,
to the amount of £10,000 Scots, for the use of his army, which he held
the magistrates bound to pay, by a tax upon the inhabitants.
"Thus," says Spalding, "cross upon cross upon
Aberdeen."
When Sir Nathaniel Gordon
and the remainder of his party returned to Kintore, Montrose despatched,
on the same day (March 16th), a body of 1,000 horse and foot, the latter
consisting of Irish, to Aberdeen, under the command of Macdonald, his
major-general. Many of the inhabitants, alarmed at the approach of this
party, and still having the fear of the Irish before their eyes, were
preparing to leave the town; but Macdonald relieved their apprehensions by
assuring them that the Irish, who amounted to 700, should not enter the
town; he accordingly stationed them at the Bridge of Dee and the Two Mile
Cross, he and his troopers alone entering the town. With the exception of
the houses of one or two "remarkable Covenanters," which were
plundered, Macdonald showed the utmost respect for private property, a
circumstance which obtained for him the esteem of the inhabitants, who had
seldom experienced such kind treatment before.
Having discharged the last
duties to the brave Farquharson and his companions, Macdonald left
Aberdeen, on March 18th, to join Montrose at Durris; but he had not
proceeded far when complaints were brought to him that some of his Irish
troops, who had lagged behind, had entered the town, and were plundering
it. Macdonald, therefore, returned immediately to the town, and drove,
says Spalding, "all these rascals with sore skins out of the town
before him."
Before leaving Kintore, the
Earl of Airly was attacked by a fever, in consequence of which, Montrose
sent him to Lethintie, the residence of the earl’s son-in-law, under a
guard of 300 men; but he was afterwards removed to Strathbogie for greater
security. On arriving, March 17th, at Durris, in Kincardineshire, where he
was joined by Macdonald, Montrose burnt the house and offices to the
ground, set fire to the grain, and swept away all the cattle, horses, and
sheep. He also wasted such of the lands of Fintry as belonged to Forbes of
Craigievar, to punish him for the breach of his parole; treating in the
same way the house and grain belonging to Abercrombie, the minister of
Fintry, who was "a main Covenanter." On the 19th, Montrose
entered Stonehaven, and took up his residence in the house of James Clerk,
the provost of the town. Here learning that the Covenanters in the north
were troubling Lord Gordon’s lands, he despatched 500 of Gordon’s foot
to defend Strathbogie and his other possessions; but he still retained
Lord Gordon himself with his troopers.
On the day after his
arrival at Stonehaven, Montrose wrote a letter to the Earl Marshal, who,
along with sixteen ministers, and some other persons of distinction, had
shut himself up in his castle of Dunottar. The bearer of the letter was
not, however, suffered to enter within the gate, and was sent back, at the
instigation probably of the earl’s lady and the ministers who were with
him, without an answer. Montrose then endeavoured, by means of George
Keith, the Earl Marshal’s brother, to persuade the latter to declare for
the king, but he refused, in consequence of which Montrose resolved to
inflict summary vengeance upon him, by burning and laying waste his lands
and those of his retainers in the neighbourhood. Acting upon this
determination, he, on the 21st of March, set fire to the houses adjoining
the castle of Dunottar, and burnt the grain which was stacked in the
barn-yards. Even the house of the minister did not escape. He next set
fire to the town of Stonehaven, sparing only the house of the provost, in
which he resided; plundered a ship which lay in the harbour, and then set
her on fire, along with all the fishing boats. The lands and houses of
Cowic shared the same hard fate. Whilst the work of destruction was going
on, it is said that the inhabitants appeared before the castle of Dunottar,
and, setting up cries of pity, implored the earl to save them from ruin,
but they received no answer to their supplications, and the earl witnessed
from his stronghold the total destruction of the properties of his tenants
and dependents without making any effort to stop it. After he had effected
the destruction of the barony of Dunottar, Montrose set fire to the lands
of Fetteresso, one-fourth part of which was burnt up, together with the
whole corn in the yards. A beautiful deer park was also burnt, and its
alarmed inmates were all taken and killed, as well as all the cattle in
the barony. Montrose next proceeded to Drumlithie and Uric, belonging to
John Forbes of Leslie, a leading Covenanter, where he committed similar
depredations.
Dunnottar Castle in the 17th century - From Slezer's
Theatrum Scotia (1693)
Montrose, on the following
day, advanced to Fettercairn, where he quartered his foot soldiers,
sending out quarter-masters through the country, and about the town of
Montrose, to provide quarters for some troopers; but, as these troopers
were proceeding on their journey, they were alarmed by the sudden
appearance of some of Major-general Hurry’s troops, who had concealed
themselves within the plantation of Halkerton. These, suddenly issuing
from the wood, set up a loud shout, on hearing which the troopers
immediately turned to the right about and went back to the camp. This
party turned out to be a body of 600 horse, under the command of Hurry
himself, who had left the head-quarters of General Baillie, at Brechin,
for the purpose of reconnoitering Montrose’s movements. In order to
deceive Hurry, who kept advancing with his 600 horse, Montrose placed his
horse, which amounted only to 200, and which he took care to line with
some expert musqueteers, in a prominent situation, and concealed his foot
in an adjoining valley. This ruse had the desired effect, for Hurry
imagining that there were no other forces at hand, immediately attacked
the small body of horse opposed to him; but he was soon Un-deceived by the
sudden appearance of the foot, and forced to retreat with precipitation.
Though his men were greatly alarmed, Hurry, who was a brave officer,
having placed himself in the rear, managed to retreat across the North Esk
with very little loss.
After this affair Montrose
allowed his men to refresh themselves for a few days, and, on the 25th of
March, put his army in motion in the direction of Brechin. On hearing of
his approach, the inhabitants of the town concealed their effects in the
castle, and in the steeples of churches, and fled. Montrose’s troops,
although they found out the secreted goods, were so enraged at the conduct
of the inhabitants that they plundered the town, and burnt about sixty
houses.
From Brechin, Montrose
proceeded through Angus, with the intention either of fighting Ballie, or
of marching onwards to the south. His whole force, at this time, did not
exceed 3,000 men, and, on reaching Kirriemuir, his cavalry was greatly
diminished by his having been obliged to send away about 160 horsemen to
Strathbogie, under Lord Gordon and his brother Lewis, to defend their
father’s possessions against the Covenanters. Montrose proceeded with
his army along the foot of the Grampians, in the direction of Dunkeld,
where he intended to cross the Tay in the sight of General Baillie, who
commanded an army greatly superior in numbers; but, although Montrose
frequently offered him battle, Baillie, contrary, it is said, to the
advice of Hurry, as often declined it. On arriving at the water of Isle,
the two armies, separated by that stream, remained motionless for several
days, as if undetermined how to act. At length Montrose sent a trumpeter
to Baillie offering him battle; and as the water could not be safely
passed by his army if opposed, Montrose proposed to allow Baillie to pass
it unmolested, on condition that he would give him his word of honour that
he would fight without delay; but Baillie answered that he would attend to
his own business himself, and that he would fight when he himself thought
proper. The conduct of Baillie throughout seems altogether extraordinary,
but it is alleged that he had no power to act for himself, being subject
to the directions of a council of war, composed of the Earls of Crawford
and Cassilis, Lords Balmerino, Kirkcudbright, and others.
As Montrose could not
attempt to cross the water of Isla without cavalry, in opposition to a
force so greatly superior, he led his army off in the direction of the
Grampians, and marched upon Dunkeld, of which he took possession. Baillie
being fully aware of his intention to cross the Tay, immediately withdrew
to Perth for the purpose of opposing Montrose’s passage; but, if
Montrose really entertained such an intention after he had sent away the
Gordon troopers, he abandoned it after reaching Dunkeld, and resolved to
retrace his steps northwards. Being anxious, however, to signalize himself
by some important achievement before he returned to the north, and to give
confidence to the royalists, he determined to surprise Dundee, a town
which had rendered itself particularly obnoxious to him for the resistance
made by the inhabitants after the battle of Tippermuir. Having sent off
the weaker part of his troops, and those who were lightly armed, with his
heavy baggage, along the bottom of the hills with instructions to meet him
at Brechin, Montrose himself, at the head of about 150 horse, and 600
expert musketeers, left Dunkeld on April 3d about midnight, and
marched with such extraordinary expedition that he arrived at Dundee Law
at 10 o’clock in the morning, where he encamped. Montrose then sent a
trumpeter into the town with a summons requiring a surrender, promising
that, in the event of compliance, he would protect the lives and
properties of the inhabitants, but threatening, in case of refusal, to set
fire to the town and put the inhabitants to the sword. Instead of
returning an answer to this demand, the town’s people put the messenger
into prison. This insult was keenly felt by Montrose, who immediately gave
orders to his troops to storm the town in three different places at once,
and to fulfil the threat which he had held out in case of resistance. The
inhabitants, in the mean time, made such preparations for defence as the
shortness of the time allowed, but, although they fought bravely, they
could not resist the impetuosity of Montrose’s troops, who, impelled by
a spirit of. revenge, and a thirst for plunder, which Dundee, then one of
the largest and most opulent towns in Scotland, offered them considerable
opportunities of gratifying, forced the inhabitants from the stations they
occupied, and turned the cannon which they had planted in the streets
against themselves. The contest however, continued in various quarters of
the town for several hours, during which the town was set on fire in
different places. The whole of that quarter of the town called the Bonnet
Hill fell a prey to the flames, and the entire town would have certainly
shared the same fate had not Montrose’s men chiefly occupied themselves
in plundering the houses and filling themselves with the contents of the
wine cellars. The sack of the town continued till the evening, and the
inhabitants were subjected to every excess which an infuriated and
victorious soldiery, maddened by intoxication, could inflict.
This melancholy state of
things was, however, fortunately put an end to by intelligence having been
brought to Montrose, who had viewed the storming of the town from the
neighbouring height of Dundee Law, that General Baillie was marching in
great haste down the Carse of Gowrie, towards Dundee, with 3,000 foot and
800 horse. On receiving this news from his scouts, Montrose gave immediate
orders to his troops to evacuate Dundee, but so intent were they upon
their booty, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could be
prevailed upon to leave the town, and, before the last of them could be
induced to retire, some of the enemy’s troops were within gun-shot of
them. The sudden appearance of Baillie’s army was quite unlooked-for, as
Montrose had been made to believe, from the reports of his scouts, that it
had crossed the Tay, and was proceeding to the Forth, when, in fact, only
a very small part, which had been mistaken by the scouts for the entire
army of Baillie, had passed.
In this critical
conjuncture, Montrose held a council of war, to consult how to act under
the perilous circumstances in which he was now placed. The council was
divided between two opinions. Some of them advised Montrose to consult his
personal safety, by riding off to the north with his horse, leaving the
foot to their fate, as they considered it utterly impossible for him to
carry them off in their present state, fatigued, and worn out as they were
by a march of 24 miles during the preceding night, and rendered almost
incapable of resisting the enemy, from the debauch they had indulged in
during the day. Besides, they would require to march 20 or even 30 miles,
before they could reckon themselves secure from the attacks of their
pursuers, a journey which it was deemed impossible to perform, without
being previously allowed some hours repose. In this way, and in no other,
urged the advocates of this view, might he expect to retrieve matters, as
he could, by his presence among his friends in the north, raise new
forces; but that, if he himself was cut off, the king’s affairs would be
utterly ruined. The other part of the council gave quite an opposite
opinion, by declaring that, as the cause for which they had fought so
gloriously was now irretrievably lost, they should remain in their
position, and await the issue of an attack, judging it more honourable to
die fighting in defence of their king, than to seek safety in an
ignominious flight, which would be rendered still more disgraceful by
abandoning their unfortunate fellow-warriors to the mercy of a revengeful
foe.
Montrose, however,
disapproved of both these plans. He considered the first as unbecoming the
generosity of men who had fought so often side by side; and the second he
thought extremely rash and imprudent. He, therefore, resolved to steer a
middle course, and, refusing to abandon his brave companions in arms in
the hour of danger, gave orders for an immediate retreat, in the direction
of Arbroath. This, however, was a mere manoeuvre to deceive the enemy, as
Montrose intended, after nightfall, to march towards the Grampians. In
order to make his retreat more secure, Montrose despatched 400 of his
foot, and gave them orders, to march as quickly as possible, without
breaking their ranks. These were followed by 200 of his most expert
musketeers, and Montrose himself closed the rear with his horse in open
rank, so as to admit the musketeers to interline them, in case of an
attack. It was about six o’clock in the evening when Montrose began his
retreat, at which hour the last of Baillie’s foot had reached Dundee.
Scarcely had Montrose begun
to move, when intelligence was received by Baillie, from some prisoners he
had taken, of Montrose’s intentions, which was now confirmed by ocular
proof. A proposal, it is said, was then made by Hurry, to follow Montrose
with the whole army, and attack him, but Baillie rejected it; and the
better, as he thought, to secure Montrose, and prevent his escape, he
divided his army into two parts, one of which he sent off in the direction
of the Grampians, to prevent Montrose from entering the Highlands; and the
other followed directly in the rear of Montrose. He thus expected to be
able to cut off Montrose entirely, and to encourage his men to the
pursuit, he offered a reward of 20,000 crowns to any one who should bring
him Montrose’s head. Baillie’s cavalry soon came up with Montrose’s
rear, but they were so well received by the musketeers, who brought down
some of them, that they became very cautious in their approaches. The
darkness of the night soon put an end to the pursuit, and Montrose
continued unmolested his march to Arbroath, in the neighbourhood of which
he arrived about midnight. His troops had now marched upwards of 40 miles,
17 of which they had performed in a few hours, in the face of a large
army, and had passed two nights and a day without sleep; but as their
safety might be endangered by allowing them to repose till daylight,
Montrose entreated them to proceed on their march. Though almost exhausted
with incessant fatigue, and overpowered with drowsiness, they readily
obeyed the order of their general, and, after a short halt, proceeded on
their route in a northwesterly direction. They arrived at the South Esk
early in the morning, which they crossed, at sunrise, near Carriston
Castle.
Montrose now sent notice to
the party which he had despatched from Dunkeld to Brechin, with his
baggage, to join him, but they had, on hearing of his retreat, already
taken refuge among the neighbouring hills. Baillie, who had passed the
night at Forfar, now considered that he had Montrose completely in his
power; but, to his utter amazement, not a trace of Montrose was to be seen
next morning. Little did he imagine that Montrose had passed close by him
during the night, and eluded his grasp. Chagrined at this unexpected
disappointment, Baillie, without waiting for his foot, galloped off at
full speed to overtake Montrose, and, with such celerity did he travel,
that he was close upon Montrose before the latter received notice of his
approach. The whole of Montrose’s men, with the exception of a few
sentinels, were now stretched upon the ground, in a state of profound
repose, and, so firmly did sleep hold their exhausted frames in its grasp,
that it was with the utmost difficulty that they could be aroused from
their slumbers, or made sensible of their danger. The sentinels, it is
said, had even to prick some of them with their swords, before they could
be awakened, and when at length the sleepers were aroused they
effected a retreat, after some skirmishing, to the foot of the Grampians,
about three miles distant from their camp, and retired, thereafter,
through Glenesk into the interior without further molestation.
This memorable retreat is
certainly one of the most extraordinary events which occurred during the
whole of Montrose’s campaigns. It is not surprising, that some of the
most experienced officers in Britain, and in France and Germany,
considered it the most splendid of all Montrose’s achievements.
Being now secure from all
danger in the fastnesses of the Grarnpians, Montrose allowed his men to
refresh themselves for some days. Whilst enjoying this necessary
relaxation from the fatigues of the field, intelligence was brought to
Montrose that a division of the covenanting army, under Hurry, was in fall
march on Aberdeen, with an intention of proceeding into Moray. Judging
that an attack upon the possessions of the Gordons would be one of Hurry’s
objects, Montrose despatched Lord Gordon with his horse to the north, for
the purpose of assisting his friends in case of attack.
It was not in the nature of
Montrose to remain inactive for any length of time, and an occurrence, of
which he had received notice had lately taken place, which determined him
to return a second time to Dunkeld. This was the escape of Viscount Aboyne,
and some other noblemen and gentlemen, from Carlisle, who, he was
informed, were on their way north to join him. Apprehensive that they
might be interrupted by Baillie’s troops, he resolved to make a
diversion in their favour, and, by drawing off the attention of Baillie,
enable them the more effectually to elude observation. Leaving, therefore,
Macdonald, with about 200 men, to beat up the enemy in the neighbourhood
of Coupar-Angus, Montrose proceeded, with the remainder of his forces,
consisting only of 500 foot and 50 horse, to Dunkeld, whence he marched to
Crieff, which is about 17 miles west from Perth. It was not until he had
arrived at the latter town that Baillie, who, after his pursuit of
Montrose, had returned to Perth with his army, heard of this movement. As
Baillie was sufficiently aware of the weakness of Montrose’s force, and
as he was sure that, with such a great disparity, Montrose would not risk
a general engagement, he endeavoured to surprise him, in the hope either
of cutting him off entirely, or crippling him so effectually as to prevent
him from again taking the field. He therefore left Perth during the night
of the 7th of April, with his whole army, consisting of 2,000 foot and 500
horse, with the intention of falling upon Montrose by break of day, before
he should be aware of his presence; but Montrose’s experience had taught
him the necessity of being always upon his guard when so near an enemy’s
camp, and, accordingly, he had drawn up his army, in anticipation of
Baillie’s advance, in such order as would enable him either to give
battle or retreat.
As soon as he heard of
Baillie’s approach, Montrose advanced with his horse to reconnoitre, and
having ascertained the enemy’s strength and numbers, which were too
formidable to be encountered with his little band, brave as they were, he
gave immediate orders to his foot to retreat with speed up Strathearn, and
to retire into the adjoining passes. To prevent them from being harassed
in their retreat by the enemy’s cavalry, Montrose covered their rear
with his small body of horse, sustaining a very severe attack, which he
warmly repulsed. After a march of about eight miles, Montrose’s troops
arrived at the pass of Strathearn, of which they took immediate
possession, and Baillie, thinking it useless to follow them into their
retreat, discontinued the pursuit, and retired with his army towards
Perth. Montrose passed the night on the banks of Loch Earn, and marched
next morning through Balquidder, where he was joined, at the ford of
Cardross, by the Viscount Aboyne, the Master of Napier, Hay of Dalgetty,
and Stirling of Keir, who, along with the Earl of Nithsdale, Lord Herries,
and others, had escaped from Carlisle, as before stated.
No sooner had Baillie
returned from the pursuit of Montrose than intelligence was brought him
that Macdonald, with the 200 men which Montrose had left with him, had
burnt the town of Coupar-Angus, —that he had wasted the lands of Lord
Balnerino, —kiIled Patrick Lindsay, the minister of Coupar, —and
finally, after routing some troopers of Lord Balcarras, and carrying off
their horses and arms, had fled to the hills. This occurrence, withdrawing
the attention of Baillie from Montrose’s future movements, enabled the
latter to proceed to the north without opposition.
Montrose had advanced as
far as Loch Katrine, when a messenger brought him intelligence that
General Hurry was in the Enzie with a considerable force, that he had been
joined by some of the Moray-men, and, after plundering and laying waste
the country, was preparing to attack Lord Gordon, who had not a sufficient
force to oppose him. On receiving this information, Montrose resolved to
proceed immediately to the north to save the Gordons from the destruction
which appeared to hang over them, hoping that, with such accessions of
force as he might obtain in his march, united with that under Lord Gordon,
he would succeed in defeating Hurry before Baillie should be aware of his
movements.
He, therefore, returned
through Balquidder, marched, with rapid strides, along the side of Loch
Tay, through Athole and Angus, and, crossing the Grampian hills, proceeded
down the Strath of Glenmuck. In his march, Montrose was joined by the
Athole-men and the other Highlanders who had obtained, or rather taken
leave of absence after the battle of Inverlochy, and also by Macdonald and
his party. On arriving in the neighbourhood of Auchindoun, he was met by
Lord Gordon, at the head of 1,000 foot and 200 horse. Montrose crossed the
Dee on the 1st of May, at the mill of Crathie -—having provided himself
with ammunition from a ship in Aberdeen harbour -—continued his march
towards the Spey, and before Hurry was even aware that the enemy had
crossed the Grampians, he found them within six miles of his camp. The
sudden appearance of Montrose with such a superior force —for Hurry had
only at this time about 1,000 foot and 200 horse—greatly alarmed him,
and raising his camp, he crossed the Spey in great haste, with the
intention of marching to Inverness, where he would be joined by the troops
of the garrison, and receive large reinforcements from the neighbouring
counties. Montrose immediately pursued him, and followed close upon his
heels to the distance of 14 miles beyond Forres, when, favoured by the
darkness of the night, Hurry effected his escape, with little loss, and
arrived at Inverness.
The panic into which Hurry
had been thrown soon gave way to a very different feeling, as he found the
Earls of Seaforth and Sutherland with their retainers, and the clan
Fraser, and others from Moray and Caithness, all assembled at Inverness,
as he had directed. This accession of force increased his army to 3,500
foot and 400 horse. He therefore resolved to act on the offensive, by
giving battle to Montrose immediately.
Montrose had taken up a
position at the village of Auldearn, about three miles south-east from
Nairn, on the morning after the pursuit. In the course of the day, Hurry
advanced with all his forces, including the garrison of Inverness, towards
Nairn; and, on approaching Auldearn, formed his army in order of battle.
Montrose’s force, which had been greatly weakened by the return of the
Athole-men and other Highlanders to defend their country from the
depredations of Baillie’s army, now consisted of only 1,500 foot and 250
horse. It was not, therefore, without great reluctance, that he resolved
to risk a battle with an enemy more than double in point of numbers, and
composed in great part of veteran troops; but, pressed as he was by Hurry,
and in danger of being attacked in his rear by Baillie, who was advancing
by forced marches to the north, he had no alternative but to hazard a
general engagement. He therefore instantly looked about him for an
advantageous position.
The village of Auldearn
stands upon a height, behind which, or on the east, is a valley,
overlooked by a ridge of little eminences, running in a northerly
direction, and which almost conceals the valley from view. In this hollow
Montrose arranged his forces in order of battle. Having formed them into
two divisions, he posted the right wing on the north of the village, at a
place where there was a considerable number of dikes and ditches. This
body, which consisted of 400 men, chiefly Irish, was placed under the
command of Macdonald. On taking their stations, Montrose gave them strict
injunctions not to leave their position on any account, as they were
effectually protected by the walls around them, not only from the attacks
of cavalry, but of foot, and could, without much danger to themselves,
keep up a galling and destructive fire upon their assailants. In order to
attract the best troops of the enemy to this difficult spot where they
could not act, and to make them believe that Montrose commanded this wing,
he gave the royal standard to Macdonald, intending, when they should get
entangled among the bushes and dikes, with which the ground to the right
was covered, to attack them himself with his left wing; and to enable him
to do so the more effectually, he placed the whole of his horse and the
remainder of the foot on the left wing to the south of the village. The
former he committed to the charge of Lord Gordon, reserving the command of
the latter to himself. After placing a few chosen foot with some cannon in
front of the village, under cover of some dikes, Montrose firmly awaited
the attack of the enemy.
Hurry divided his foot and
his horse each into two divisions. On the right wing of the main body of
the foot, which was commanded by Campbell of Lawers, Hurry placed the
regular cavalry which he had brought from the south, and on the left the
horse of Moray and the north, under the charge of Captain Drummond. The
other division of foot was placed behind as a reserve, and commanded by
Hurry himself.
When Hurry observed the
singular position which Montrose had taken up, he was utterly at a loss to
guess his designs, and though it appeared to him, skilful as he was in the
art of war, a most extraordinary and novel sight, yet, from the well known
character of Montrose, he was satisfied that Montrose’s arrangements
were the result of a deep laid scheme. But what especially excited the
surprise of Hurry, was the appearance of the large yellow banner or royal
standard in the midst of a small body of foot stationed among hedges and
dikes and stones, almost isolated from the horse and the main body of the
foot. To attack this party, at the head of which he naturally supposed
Montrose was, was his first object. This was precisely what Montrose had
wished; his snare proved successful. With the design of overwhelming at
once the right wing, Hurry despatched towards it the best of his horse and
all his veteran troops, who made a furious attack upon Macdonald’s
party, the latter defending themselves bravely behind the dikes and
bushes. The contest continued for some time on the right with varied
success, and Hurry, who had plenty of men to spare, relieved those who
were engaged by fresh troops. Montrose, who kept a steady eye upon the
motions of the enemy, and watched a favourable opportunity for making a
grand attack upon them with the left wing, was just preparing to carry his
design into execution, when a confidential person suddenly rode up to him
and whispered in his ear that the right wing had been put to flight.
This intelligence was not,
however, quite correct. It seems that Macdonald who, says Wishart,
"was a brave enough man, but rather a better soldier than a general,
extremely violent, and daring even to rashness," had been so provoked
with the taunts and insults of the enemy, that in spite of the express
orders he had received from Montrose on no account to leave his position,
he had unwisely advanced beyond it to attack the enemy, and though he had
been several times repulsed he returned to the charge. But he was at last
borne down by the great numerical superiority of the enemy’s horse and
foot, consisting of veteran troops, and forced to retire in great disorder
into an adjoining enclosure. Nothing, however, could exceed the admirable
manner in which he managed this retreat, and the courage he displayed
while leading off his men. Defending his body with a large target, he
resisted, single-handed, the assaults of the enemy, and was the last man
to leave the field. So closely indeed was he pressed by Hurry’s
spearmen, that some of them actually came so near him as to fix their
spears in his target, which he cut off by threes or fours at a time with
his broadsword.
It was during this retreat
that Montrose received the intelligence of the flight of the right wing;
but he preserved his usual presence of mind, and to encourage his men, who
might get alarmed at hearing such news, he thus addressed Lord Gordon,
loud enough to be heard by his troops, "What are we doing, my Lord?
Our friend Macdonald has routed the enemy on the right and is carrying all
before him. Shall we look on and let him carry off the whole honour of the
day?" A crisis had arrived, and not a moment was to be lost.
Scarcely, therefore, were the words out of Montrose’s mouth, when he
ordered his men to charge the enemy. When his men were advancing to the
charge, Captain or Major Drummond, who commanded Hurry’s horse, made an
awkward movement by wheeling about his men, and his horse coming in
contact with the foot, broke their ranks and occasioned considerable
confusion. Lord Gordon seeing this, immediately rushed in upon Drummond’s
horse with his party and put them to flight. Montrose followed hard with
the foot, and attacked the main body of Hurry’s army, which he routed
after a powerful resistance. The veterans in Hurry’s army, who had
served in Ireland, fought manfully, and chose rather to be cut down
standing in their ranks than retreat; but the new levies from Moray, Ross,
Sutherland, and Caithness, fled in great consternation. They were pursued
for several miles, and might have been all killed or captured if Lord
Aboyne had not, by an unnecessary display of ensigns and standards, which
he had taken from the enemy, attracted the notice of the pursuers, who
halted for some time under the impression that a fresh party of the enemy
was coming up to attack them. In this way Hurry and some of his
troops, who were the last to leave the field of battle, as well as the
other fugitives, escaped from the impending danger, and arrived at
Inverness the following morning. As the loss of this battle was mainly
owing to Captain Drummond, he was tried by a court-martial at Inverness,
and condemned to be shot, a sentence which was carried into immediate
execution. He was accused of having betrayed the army, and it is said that
he admitted that after the battle had commenced he had spoken with the
enemy.
The number of killed on
both sides has been variously stated. That on the side of the Covenanters
has been reckoned by one writer at 1,000, by another at 2,000,
and by a third at 3,000 men. Montrose, on the other hand, is
said by the first of these authors to have lost about 200 men, while the
second says that he had only "some twenty-four gentlemen hurt, and
some few Irish killed," and Wishart informs us that Montrose only
missed one private man on the left, and that the right wing, commanded by
Macdonald, "lost only fourteen private men." The clans who had
joined Hurry suffered considerably, particularly the Frasers, who, besides
unmarried men, are said to have left dead on the field no less than 87
married men. Among the principal covenanting officers who were slain were
Colonel Campbell of Lawers, Sir John and Sir Gideon Murray, and Colonel
James Campbell, with several other officers of inferior note. The laird of
Lawers’s brother, Archibald Campbell, and a few other officers, were
taken prisoners. Captain Macdonald and William Macpherson of Invereschie
were the only persons of any note killed on Montrose’s side. Montrose
took several prisoners, whom, with the wounded, he treated with great
kindness. Such of the former as expressed their sorrow for having joined
the ranks of the Covenanters he released—others who were disposed to
join him he received into his army, but such as remained obstinate he
imprisoned. Besides taking 16 standards from the enemy, Montrose got
possession of the whole of their baggage, provisions, and ammunition, and
a considerable quantity of money and valuable effects. The battle of
Auldearn was fought on the 4th of May, according to Wishart, and
on the 9th according to others, in the year 1645.
The immense disproportion
between the numbers of the slain on the side of the Covenanters and that
of the prisoners taken by Montrose evidently shows that very little
quarter had been given, the cause of which is said to have been the murder
of James Gordon, younger of Rhiny, who was killed by a party from the
garrison of Spynie, and by some of the inhabitants of Elgin, at Struders,
near Forres, where he had been left in consequence of a severe wound he
had received in a skirmish during Hurry’s first retreat to Inverness.
But Montrose revenged himself still farther by advancing to Elgin and
burning the houses of all those who had been concerned in the murder, at
the same time sending out a party to treat in a similar way the
town of Garmouth belonging to the laird of Innes.
While these proceedings
were going on, Montrose sent his whole baggage, booty, and warlike stores
across the Spey, which he himself crossed upon the 14th of May, proceeding
to Birkenbog, the seat of "a great Covenanter," where he took up
his head quarters. He quartered his men in the neighbourhood, and, during
a short stay at Birkenbog, he sent out different parties of his troops to
scour the country, and take vengeance on the Covenanters.
When General Baillie first
heard of the defeat of his colleague, Hurry, at Auldearn, he was lying at
Cromar, with his army. He had, in the beginning of May, after Montrose’s
departure to the north, entered Athole, which he had wasted with fire and
sword, and had made an attempt upon the strong castle of Blair, in which
many of the prisoners taken at the battle of Inverlochy were confined;
but, not succeeding in his enterprise, he had, after collecting an immense
booty, marched through Athole, and, passing by Kirriemuir and Fettercairn,
encamped on the Birse on the 10th of May. His force at this time amounted
to about 2,000 foot and 120 troopers. On the following day he had marched
to Cromar, where he encamped between the Kirks of Coull and Tarlan till he
should be joined by Lord Balcarras’s horse regiment. In a short time he
was joined, not only by Balcarras’s regiment, but by two foot regiments.
The ministers endeavoured to induce the country people also to join Bailie,
by "thundering out of pulpits," but "they lay still,"
says Spalding, "and would not follow him."
As soon as Baillie heard of
the defeat of Hurry, he raised his camp at Cromar, upon the 19th of May,
and hastened north. He arrived at the wood of Cochlaraehie, within two
miles of Strathbogie, before Montrose was aware of his approach. Here he
was joined by Hurry, who, with some horse from Inverness, had passed
themselves off as belonging to Lord Gordon’s party, and had thus been
permitted to go through Montrose’s lines without opposition.
It was on the 19th of May,
when lying at Birkenbog, that Montrose received the intelligence of
Baillie’s arrival in the neighbourhood of Strathbogie. Although Montrose’s
men had not yet wholly recovered from the fatigues of their late
extraordinary march and subsequent labours, and although their numbers had
been reduced since the battle of Auldearn, by the departure of some of the
Highlanders with the booty they had acquired, they felt no disinclination
to engage the enemy, but, on the contrary, were desirous of coming to
immediate action. But Montrose, although he had the utmost confidence in
the often tried courage of his troops, judged it more expedient to avoid
an engagement at present, and to retire, in the meantime, into his
fastnesses to recruit his exhausted strength, than risk another battle
with a fresh force, greatly superior to his own. In order to deceive the
enemy as to his intentions, he advanced, the same day, upon Strathbogie,
and, within view of their camp, began to make intrenchments, and raise
fortifications, as if preparing to defend himself. But as soon as the
darkness of the night prevented Baillie from discovering his motions,
Montrose marched rapidly up the south side of the Spey with his foot,
leaving his horse behind him, with instructions to follow him as soon as
daylight began to appear.
Baillie had passed the
night in the confident expectation of a battle next day, but was surprised
to learn the following morning that not a vestige of Montrose’s army was
to be seen. Montrose had taken the route to Balveny, which having been
ascertained by Baillie, he immediately prepared to follow. He,
accordingly, crossed the Spey, and after a rapid march, almost overtook
the retiring foe in Glenlivet; but Montrose, having outdistanced his
pursuers by several miles before night came on, got the start of them so
completely, that they were quite at a loss next morning to ascertain the
route he had taken, and could only guess at it by observing the traces of
his footsteps on the grass and the heather over which he had passed.
Following, therefore, the course thus pointed out, Baillie came again in
sight of Montrose; but he found that he had taken up a position, which,
whilst it almost defied approach from its rocky and woody situation,
commanded the entrance into Badenoch, from which country Montrose could,
without molestation, draw supplies of both men and provisions. To attack
Montrose in his stronghold was out of the question; but, in the hope of
withdrawing him from it, Baillie encamped his army hard by. Montrose lay
quite secure in his well-chosen position, from which he sent out parties
who, skirmishing by day, and beating up the quarters of the enemy during
the night, so harassed and frightened them, that they were obliged to
retreat to Inverness, after a stay of a few days, a measure which was
rendered still more necessary from the want of provisions and of provender
for the horses. Leaving Inverness, Baillie crossed the Spey, and proceeded
to Aberdeenshire, arriving on the 3d of June at Newton, in the Garioch,
"where he encamped, destroying the country, and cutting the green
growing crops to the very clod."
Having got quit of the
presence of Baillie’s army, Montrose resolved to make a descent into
Angus, and attack the Earl of Crawford, who lay at the castle of Newtyle
with an army of reserve to support Baillie, and to prevent Montrose from
crossing the Forth, and carrying the war into the south. This nobleman,
who stood next to Argyle, as head of the Coyenanters, had often complained
to the Estates against Argyle, whose rival he was, for his inactivity and
pusillanimity; and having insinuated that he would have acted a very
different part had the command of such an army as Argyle had, been
intrusted to him, he had the address to obtain the command of the army now
under him, which had been newly raised; but the earl was without military
experience, and quite unfit to cope with Montrose.
Proceeding through Badenoch,
Montrose crossed the Grampians, and arrived by rapid marches on the banks
of the river Airly, within seven miles of Crawfords camp, but was
prevented from giving battle by the desertion of the Gordons and their
friends, who almost all returned to their country.
He now formed the
resolution to attack Baillie himself, but before he could venture on such
a bold step, he saw that there was an absolute necessity of making some
additions to his force. With this view he sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon, an
influential cavalier, into the north before him, to raise the Gordons and
the other royalists; and, on his march north through Glenshee and the
Braes of Mar, Montrose despatched Macdonald into the remoter Highlands
with a party to bring him, as speedily as possible, all the forces he
could. Judging that the influence and authority of Lord Gordon might
greatly assist Sir Nathaniel, he sent him after him, and Montrose himself
encamped in the country of Cromar, waiting for the expected
reinforcements.
In the meantime, Baillie
lay in camp on Dee-side, in the lower part of Mar, where he was joined by
Crawford; but he showed no disposition to attack Montrose, who, from the
inferiority, in point of number, of his forces, retired to the old castle
of Kargarf. Crawford did not, however, remain long, with Baillie; but,
exchanging a thousand of his raw recruits for a similar number of Baillie’s
veterans, he returned with these, and the remainder of his army, through
the Mearns into Angus, as if he intended some mighty exploit; he,
thereafter, entered Athole, and in imitation of Argyle, plundered and
burnt the country.
Raising his camp, Baillie
marched towards Strathbogie to lay siege to the Marquis of Huntly’s
castle, the Bog of Gight, now Gordon castle; but although Montrose had not
yet received any reinforcements, he resolved to follow Baillie and prevent
him from putting his design into execution. But Montrose had marched
scarcely three miles when he was observed by Baillie’s scouts, and at
the same time ascertained that Baillie had taken up a strong position on a
rising ground above Keith, about two miles off. Next morning Montrose, not
considering it advisable to attack Baillie in the strong position he
occupied, sent a trumpeter to him offering to engage him on open ground,
but Baillie answered the hostile message by saying, that he would not
receive orders for fighting from his enemy.
In this situation of
matters, Montrose had recourse to stratagem to draw Baillie from his
stronghold. By retiring across the river Don, the covenanting general was
led to believe that Montrose intended to march to the south, and he was,
therefore, advised by a committee of the Estates which always accompanied
him, and in whose hands he appears to have been a mere passive instrument,
to pursue Montrose. As soon as Montrose’s scouts brought intelligence
that Baillie was advancing, he set off by break of day to the village of
Alford on the river Don, where he intended to await the enemy. When
Baillie was informed of this movement, he imagined that Montrose was in
full retreat before him, a supposition which encouraged him so to hasten
his march, that he came up with Montrose at noon at the distance of a few
miles from Alford. Montrose, thereupon, drew up his army in order of
battle on an advantageous rising ground and waited for the enemy; but
instead of attacking him, Baillie made a detour to the left with the
intention of getting into Montrose’s rear and cutting off his retreat.
Montrose then continued his march to Alford, where he passed the night.
On the following morning,
the 2d of July, the two armies were only the distance of about four miles
from each other. Montrose drew up his troops on a little hill behind the
village of Alford. In his rear was a marsh full of ditches and pits, which
would protect him from the inroads of Baillie’s cavalry should they
attempt to assail him in that quarter, and in his front stood a steep
hill, which prevented the enemy from observing his motions. He gave the
command of the right wing to Lord Gordon and Sir Nathaniel; the left he
committed to Viscount Aboyne and Sir William Rollock; and the main body
was put under the charge of Angus Macvichahister, chief of the Macdonells
of Glengarry, Drummond younger of Balloch, and Quarter-master George
Graham, a skilful officer. To Napier his nephew, Montrose intrusted a body
of reserve, which was concealed behind the hill.
Scarcely had Montrose
completed his arrangements, when he received intelligence that the enemy
had crossed the Don, and was moving in the direction of Alford. This was a
fatal step on the part of Baillie, who, it is said, was forced into battle
by the rashness of Lord Balcarras, "one of the bravest men of the
kingdom," who unnecessarily placed himself and his
regiment in a position of such danger that they could not be rescued
without exposing the whole of the covenanting army.
When Baillie arrived in the
valley adjoining the hill on which Montrose had taken up his position,
both armies remained motionless for some time, viewing each other, as if
unwilling to begin the combat. Owing to the commanding position which
Montrose occupied, the Covenanters could not expect to gain any advantage
by attacking him even with superior forces; but now, for the first time,
the number of the respective armies was about equal, and Montrose had this
advantage over his adversary, that while Baillie’s army consisted in
part of the raw and undisciplined levies which the Earl of Crawford had
exchanged for some of his veteran troops, the greater part of Montrose’s
men had been long accustomed to service. These circumstances determined
Baillie not to attempt the ascent of the hill, but to remain in the
valley, where, in the event of a descent by Montrose, his superiority in
cavalry would give him the advantage.
This state of inaction was,
however, soon put an end to by Lord Gordon, who observing a party of
Baillie’s troops driving away before them a large quantity of cattle
which they had collected in Strathbogie and the Enzie, and being desirous
of recovering the property of his countrymen, selected a body of horse,
with which he attempted a rescue. The assailed party was protected by some
dykes and enclosures, from behind which they fired a volley upon the
Gordons, which did considerable execution amongst them. Such a cool and
determined reception, attended with a result so disastrous and unexpected,
might have been attended by dangerous consequences, had not Montrose, on
observing the party of Lord Gordon giving indications as if undetermined
how to act, resolved immediately to commence a general attack upon the
enemy with his whole army. But as Baillie’s foot had intrenched
themselves amongst the dykes and fences which covered the ground at the
bottom of the hill, and could not be attacked in that position with
success, Montrose immediately ordered the horse, who were engaged with the
enemy, to retreat to their former position, in the expectation that
Baillie’s troops would leave their ground and follow them. And in this
hope he was not disappointed, for the Covenanters thinking that this
movement of the horse was merely the prelude to a retreat, advanced from
their secure position, and followed the supposed fugitives with their
whole horse and foot in regular order.
Both armies now came to
close quarters, and fought face to face and man to man with great
obstinacy for some time, without either party receding from the ground
they occupied. At length Sir Nathaniel Gordon, growing impatient at such a
protracted resistance, resolved to cut his way through the enemy’s left
wing, consisting of Lord Balcarras’s regiment of horse; and calling to
the light musketeers who lined his horse, he ordered them to throw aside
their muskets, which were now unnecessary, and to attack the enemy’s
horse with their drawn swords. This order was immediately obeyed, and in a
short time they cut a passage through the ranks of the enemy, whom they
hewed down with great slaughter. When the horse which composed Baillie’s
right wing, and which had been kept in check by Lord Aboyne, perceived
that their left had given way, they also retreated. An attempt was made by
the covenanting general to rally his left wing by bringing up the right,
after it had retired, to its support, but they were so alarmed at the
spectacle or melee which they had just witnessed on the left, where
their comrades had been cut down by the broad swords of Montrose’s
musketeers, that they could not be induced to take the place of their
retiring friends.
Thus abandoned by the
horse, Baiilie’s foot were attacked on all sides by Montrose’s forces.
They fought with uncommon bravery, and although they were cut down in
great numbers, the survivors exhibited a perseverance and determination to
resist to the last extremity. An accident now occurred, which, whilst it
threw a melancholy gloom over the fortunes of the day, and the spirits of
Montrose’s men, served to hasten the work of carnage and death. This was
the fall of Lord Gordon, who having incautiously rushed in amongst the
thickest of the enemy, was unfortunately shot dead, it is said, when
in the act of pulling Baillie, the covenanting general, from his horse,
having, it is said, in a moment of exultation, promised to his men, to
drag Baillie out of the ranks and present him before them. The Gordons, on
perceiving their young chief fall, set no bounds to their fury, and
falling upon the enemy with renewed vigour, hewed them down without mercy;
yet these brave men still showed no disposition to flee, and it was not
until the appearance of the reserve under the Master of Napier., which had
hitherto been kept out of view of the enemy at the back of the hill, that
their courage began to fail them. When this body began to descend the
hill, accompanied by what appeared to them a fresh reinforcement of
cavalry, but which consisted merely of the camp or livery boys, who had
mounted the sumpter-horses to make a display for the purpose of alarming
the enemy, the entire remaining body of the covenanting foot fled with
precipitation. A hot pursuit took place, and so great was the slaughter
that very few of them escaped. The covenanting general and his principal
officers were sawed by the fleetness of their horses, and the Marquis of
Argyle, who bad accompanied Baillie as a member of the committee, and who
was closely pursued by Glengarry and some of his Highlanders, made a
narrow escape by repeatedly changing horses.
Thus ended one of the best
contested battles which Montrose had yet fought, yet strange as the fact
may appear, his loss was, as usual, extremely trifling, Lord Gordon being
the only person of importance slain. A considerable number of Montrose’s
men, however, were wounded, particularly the Gordons, who, for a long
time, sustained the attacks of Balcarras’s horse, amongst whom were Sir
Nathaniel, and Gordon, younger of Gicht. The loss on the side of the
Covenanters was immense; by far the greeter part of their foot, and a
considerable number of their cavalry having been slain. Some prisoners
were taken from them, but their number was small, owing to their obstinacy
in refusing quarter. These were sent to Stratbbogie under an escort.
The brilliant victory was,
however, clouded by the death of Lord Gordon, "‘a very hopeful
young gentleman, able of mind and body, about the age of twenty-eight
years." Wishart gives an affecting description of the feelings
of Montrose’s army when this amiable young nobleman was killed.
"There was," he says, "a general lamentation for the loss
of the Lord Gordon, whose death seemed to eclipse all the glory of the
victory. As the report spread among the soldiers, every one appeared to be
struck dumb with the melancholy news, and a universal silence prevailed
for some time through the army. however, their grief soon burst through
all restraint, venting itself in the voice of lamentation and sorrow.
When the first transports were over the soldiers exclaimed against heaven
and earth for bereaving the king, the kingdom, and themselves, of such an
excellent young nobleman; and, unmindful of the victory or of the plunder,
they thronged about the body of their dead captain, some weeping over his
wounds and kissing his lifeless limbs; while others praised his comely
appearance even in death, and extolled his noble mind, which was enriched
with every valuable qualification that could adorn his high birth or ample
fortune: they even cursed the victory bought at so dear a rate. Nothing
could have supported the army under this immense sorrow but the presence
of Montrose, whose safety gave them joy, and not a little revived their
drooping spirits. In the meantime he could not command his grief, but
mourned bitterly over the melancholy fate of his only and dearest friend,
grievously complaining, that one who was the honour of his nation, the
ornament of the Scots nobility, and the boldest asserter of the royal
authority in the north, had fallen in the flower of his youth."
The victories of Montrose
in Scotland were more than counterbalanced by those of the parliamentary
forces in England. Under different circumstances, the success at Alford |
