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The Highland Host of 1678
Chapter III - The Host in the West

ON the day on which the Host mustered, the lords of the Committee in the West held their first meeting at Stirling, the Marquis of Atholl being President; at the Sederunt were present the Earls of Moray, Linlithgow, Perth, Strathmore and Airlie. Their first work was to appoint quarters for the various troops. The Highlanders under the Earl of Caithness were quartered for the night in Stirling; the Perthshire horse under the Marquis of Atholl were quartered at Falkirk, the troop commanded by the Earl of Perth being sent to Larbert; the Angus Militia under the Earl of Strathmore was to march next morning to Kilsythe, while the two troops of horse from the same shire under the Earls of Strathmore and Airlie were to march to Kirkintilloch. The horse and foot under the Earl of Moray were ordered to take quarters for the night in the kirktown of St. Ninian's and Bannockburn. The Earl of Perth's men were to take quarters at Craigforth, while the foot regiment of the Earl of Atholl was to quarter in the parish of St. Ninian's in the places not already occupied by other troops. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 505.]

On the same day, the commissariat officer was ordered to serve each soldier daily with two pounds of meal and half a pound of cheese, and to provide this daily ration, was instructed to add three hundred bolls of meal, along with a proportionate amount of cheese, to the provisions already bought for the troops. At the same time orders were given for the arming of those Highlanders not already furnished with firearms. Of the firelocks in Stirling Castle, seventy were to be given to the men of Athole, seventy to those of Caithness, and thirty to those of Mar. In addition, these noblemen, as they should think fit, were to supply their men with pikes from the store in the Castle. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series), p. 506.]

On the 25th January, 1678, the Lords of the Committee arranged the order of the march to Glasgow, and the quarters to be taken up by the Highlanders upon arrival there. The Earls of Mar, Moray, and Perth were to march first on 10th January and take up their quarters, the Earls of Mar and Perth in and about Renfrew, the Earl of Moray in Cathcart, Langside and Pollokshaws. The Marquis of Atholl was to march next on 27th January, his objective being Rutherglen, Kilbryde, Cambuslang and adjacent places. On the 28th the Earl of Caithness was to set out, his quarters being fixed at Paisley "and some little houses thereabout."  [Ibid.]

Meanwhile the Privy Council had, on 24th January, appointed Mr. Roderick M'Kenzie, advocate, to wait upon the Committee of the West, as nominee of and deputy for Mr. Colin M'Kenzie, already appointed to the office, who had found it impossible to attend as required. This gentleman was to act as representative of His Majesty's advocate with the Host, and was to be present at all meetings of the Committee. [Ibid. p. 307.]

The Committee of the West lost no time in setting to their task of enforcing the bond and disarming the shires. The Sheriffs of the shires of Stirling, Lanark, Roxburgh, Dumfries, Wigton, and Ayr, the Bailiffs principal of Carrick, Cunningham and Glasgow, and the Stewart principal of Kirkcudbright had already been called to appear before the Committee. [Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 389.] In this connection the Duke of Hamilton writes to the Earl of Queensberry on 9th January, 1678, telling him of his receipt from the Privy Council of a letter signed by the Duke of Lauderdale requiring him as Sheriff of Lanarkshire, to attend upon the 26th of the -month, at a meeting of the Committee to be held in Glasgow. Concerned as to what might occur, and alarmed by the proclamation forbidding noblemen and heritors to depart from the kingdom without leave, Hamilton had thought of going to Edinburgh to consult there with some of his acquaintances, so that he might "understand what is there to be done, and advise with friends how to cart'." "A fitt of the seatick," however, made him give up the thought of attending this conference at Edinburgh, and ultimately prevented him from being present at the meeting of the Committee at Glasgow, although he was anxious not to give offence by such failure to appear when summoned. [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XV., Appendix viii. pp. 232, 233.]

Meanwhile, feeling himself unable to attend the meeting of Committee thus announced, Hamilton wrote to Rothes stating that owing to his illness he was not "in a capacitie" to venture to Glasgow. Rothes, informing the Committee of this, authorized them to issue a proclamation commanding the appearance of all heritors, liferenters, conjunct fiars and other responsible persons in the shire of Lanark and Regality of Glasgow at a date to be determined, it being particularly enjoined that Hamilton, as the person most interested, must be present. This matter settled, the Committee, on the 27th of January, issued some further orders with regard to the quartering of the troops; the heritors of Perthshire were now to take up quarters in the town of Renfrew, the regiments of the Marquis of Atholl in the parishes of Rutherglen, Kilbryde and Cambuslang, the Earl of Mar's men in "meikle and little" Govans, the foot regiment of the Earl of Perth in East Kilpatrick, his horse troop in West Kilpatrick, and the regiment of Caithness in Glasgow and adjacent places. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) pp. 509, 510.]

On 28th January, the Duke of Hamilton was informed in the following letter of the steps that had been taken with regard to the enforcing of the bond in Lanarkshire and Glasgow, a copy of the bond being at the same time sent to him which he was asked to present to all responsible persons within his jurisdiction. The letter, which is dated from Glasgow, reads as follows: "May it please your Grace, In respect of your indisposition and inabilitie to attend the committie held at Glasgow as you wer appointed by a letter from his m$ privy councill the committee, conform to ane order direct to them from the council, have emitted a proclamation and ordered the same to be published at the severall crosses of Glasgow, Lanerk, Hamiltonn and Rutherglen, requyring and comanding the haill heritors, lyfrenters, conjonct fiars and others within the shyre of Lanerk and bayleary of the regalitie of Glasgow, to meit with you at Hamilton upon fryday being the first of ffebry nixt to receave and obey such orders as should be sent to you by the committee. They in pursuance of the commissions and instructions given them by his ma. privy council have herewith sent ane oth in relation to the said shyre and bayleary with a bond which is to be offered by you to be signed by the haill heritors, lyfrenters, conjunct fiars and others within the same. And least the said proclamation should not come to the knowledge of the heritors and others concerned, or upon pretext of not knowing thereof any should be absent, you are desyred by all possible wayes and meanes to make the same known that the dyet may be frequentlie keeped. You are likewayes desyred to return to the Committy agst the sevent of ffeby nixt ane exact accompt and list of the haill heritors and lyfrenters, conjunct fiars and others who shall happen to be absent from that meiting, with a list of the names of all such who being present shall either refuse or delay to subscrybe to the said bond. This being ane affair wherein his mall service and the peace of the countrey is very much concerned, we doubt not of your rare diligence in going about and performing of what is hereby committed to you."  [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 510.]

On the same day that this letter with regard to the enforcing of the bond was sent to Hamilton, orders were given for the disarming of the shire of Lanark and the city of Glasgow. Order and warrant was therefore given the major-general in command of the forces to send a party to the town of Hamilton to receive the arms of the people of the whole surrounding district, the instructions being that the commander of the party should grant receipts for all arms seized, and should convey the confiscated weapons to the bridge of Glasgow, where he was to deliver them to the Earl of Wigton, Captain of the Castle of Dumbarton or to his deputy, from whom he in turn was to receive a receipt. The party from Dumbarton was then to take the arms by water to the castle. [Ibid.]

On the 28th January, a letter was received by the Committee of the West from the Privy Council with regard to various accounts for meal and cheese supplied to the Host, which were to be paid from the Public Treasury. The letter also informed the lords of the Committee that the magistrates of Edinburgh had been ordered to instruct the deacons of the shoemakers' guild of the city to make shoes as should be required of them by the leaders of the troops in the 'Vest. Shoes were likewise to be made in the various towns where the soldiers were quartered, on the understanding that all accounts would be paid by the Privy Council, who were "resolved to give all due incurragment to such as have under your command undertaken cherefully to serve his maty. on this occasion." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) pp. 333, 334.]

Meanwhile, various complaints had already been made to the authorities concerning the conduct of the Highlanders towards those who were compelled to give them quarters, and had been the occasion on 29th January of an order made in committee and sent to the various commanders of the Highlanders bidding them "use all possible care to keep ther men from comitting any disorders." [Ibid. p. 516. ] On the following day a more specific charge was brought against some Highlanders quartered in Glasgow, it being alleged that they frequently deserted their quarters and went into the city, where, apparently, they annoyed the inhabitants by their unruly conduct. The case was met by a recommendation from the committee to the noblemen in command of the levies that no soldiers should be allowed to leave their quarters without special permission, it being argued that such permission should be granted as seldom as possible. [Ibid. p. 516.]

On this same day warrant was given to the Major-General in command of the troops to order the Marquis of Atholl to add to the districts already occupied by "the gentlemen of Perth" the parishes of Erskine and Inchinnan, and to those occupied by his regiment of foot the parish of Carmunnock. At this same meeting of committee, it was reported by Lord Ross that upon continuing his search for arms concealed in the houses of the citizens of Glasgow, as ordered by the Privy Council, he had found 280 swords in the house of a sword maker. Orders were accordingly given that these weapons were to be delivered to the Earl of Wigton for transmission by water, along with those already confiscated elsewhere, to the castle of Dumbarton. [Register Privy Council Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 516.]

On January 31st a further letter concerning the shoes ordered for the forces in the West was received by the committee from the Privy Council, announcing that the shoemakers of Edinburgh had undertaken to make two thousand pairs of double soled shoes which were to be despatched by the fifth of February, and stating that any further supplies of shoes necessary must be provided in the districts where the troops were quartered, since the shoemakers of Edinburgh could furnish no more for the time being. This letter also empowered the Earl of Linlithgow, commander of the troops, to appoint a Quartermaster-General to the forces in the West, and asked him at the same time to advise the Lords of the Treasury concerning what he thought necessary for the provision and equipment of the troops. [Ibid. p. 334.]

On January 31st, the day of receipt of this communication from the Privy Council, the Committee addressed a letter to that body, enclosing an account of all their proceedings. They were of opinion that one thousand pairs of shoes, in addition to those to be despatched from Edinburgh, would be sufficient for the needs of the troops. This number the Provost of Glasgow had already undertaken to have delivered within eight days at the price of half a crown a pair, and the committee accordingly asked that "tymous and punctuall payment" for the shoes to be supplied might be made from the Treasury.5 In the case of the Angus regiment of Militia, the Earl of Strathmore, their commander, paid upon delivery a certain portion of the price of the shoes provided for his men, an indication that the leaders of the Host had no intention of dealing otherwise than honourably by the townsmen. The transaction was finally settled in June, i678, when the Provost of Glasgow made report to the Town Council of his attendance at Edinburgh upon the town's affairs. He had been paid " 1056 pounds Scots in payment of 675 pounds Scots disburst by the town for shoes made for the Angus regiment, the balance of the amount being due to the Earl of Strathmore, who had paid this amount for shoes supplied to his men." [Ibid. p. 337.]

In their letter of January 30th to the Privy Council, the Committee had announced their intention of marching as soon as possible to Ayrshire, since they were of opinion that the greatest part of their business in Glasgow was finished. [Burgh Records, Glasgow, vol. iii. p. 254.] With reference to the march of the troops to Ayr, full powers were now given to the Earl of Linlithgow to fix the times for the setting out of each part of the force. He was also empowered to provide for the quartering of the soldiers while upon the march and after their arrival in Ayrshire, his arrangements, however, being subject to revision by the committee when they should sit at Ayr. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 337.

As general in command, Linlithgow, along with the Earl of Glencairn and Lord Ross, was also ordered to provide horses for the conveyance of the train of artillery and the ammunition from Glasgow to Ayr, powers being given them to fix upon such particular towns, parishes or persons as they should think fit, to supply the necessary number of horses for this service. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol v. (Third Series) p. 517.]

Although the committee were thus so far satisfied with their work in Glasgow that they felt justified in leaving the city for the more discontented district, they had not been successful in inducing many to sign the hated Bond.

[Bond to be taken by the heritors of Lanarkshire presented to the citizens of Glasgow, January 28th, 1678. "Wee faithfully bind and oblidge us that wee, our wyves, bairnes and servants respective shall nowayes be present at any conventicles and disorderly meitinges in tyme comeing, but shall live orderly in obedience to the law under the paynes and penalties conteaned in the acts of Parliament made thereagainst. As also wee bind and oblidge us that our haill tenents and cottars respective, their wyves, bairnes and servants shall lykwayes abstaine and refraine from the saids conventicles and other illegal meitings not authorised by the law and that they shall live orderly in obedience to the law ; and farder that wee nor they shall not resett, supply or common with forfaulted persons, intercommoned ministers or vagrant preachers, hot shall doe our outmost indevour to apprehend their persons. And, in case our saids tennents, cottars and their forsaides shall contraveen, wee shall take and apprehend any person or persons guilty thereof and present them to the judge ordinar that they may be fyned or imprisoned therefore as is provydit in the acts of Parliament made thereanent, otherwayes wee shall remove them and their families aff our ground. And if we faylie hereintill, wee shall be lyeable to such paynes and penalties as the saids delinquents have incurred by the law." Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 511. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 390. See also " Objections against the Pressed Bond, 1678," " Minute of some reasons in law against the Bond."—Wodrow, vol. ii. PP. 391-395.]

On the Bond being brought before the Town Council, it was resolved that the whole body of magistrates and councillors should immediately take and sign it, the Dean of Guild being at the same time instructed to summon all the merchants of the city, and the Deacon Convener all the craftsmen, so that all might take the oath as required. [Burgh Records, Glasgow, vol. iii. p. 247.] The list of those who took the Bond was thus headed by James Campbell, the Provost, whose name was followed by those of John Johnston, John Campbell and James Colquhon, bailies, and of the rest of the Town Council. A few prominent city merchants followed the example of the Council but, on the whole, the citizens refused their signatures and only one hundred and fifty-three persons were induced to conform to the order of the Privy Council. [Wodrow, Book ii. p. 390.]

In spite of the fact, however, that the people of Glasgow were thus openly hostile to the policy of their rulers, the military occupation of the city and neighbourhood does not seem to have been attended with any degree of disorder. Apart from the discomfort of having the soldiery quartered upon them—no light thing in itself—the citizens seem to have had little or no cause for complaint against the troops. The only formal petition concerning the conduct of the soldiers was one presented by John Raltoun, who acted as Quartermaster for the Council of Glasgow. In June, 1678, Raltoun craved " satisfactionne of the damadge he susteined by some of the sojouris of the King's regiment of guard, quhen they wer last here." [Burgh Records, Glasgow, vol. iii. p. 252.] In September, after due investigation, the city treasurer was ordered to pay Raltoun ten pounds sterling "for his loss he susteined by the sojouris letting out of his wynes in the cellar and uther drink quhen they came here in February last." [Ibid. p. 255.] In August, 1679, again, Raltoun was awarded by the Town Council the sum of £120 " for his paines in quartering the sojouris the last year." [Burgh Records, Glasgow, vol. iii. p. 502.] Apparently, therefore, Raltoun was at once the only citizen of Glasgow who -made complaint against his unbidden guests, and, at the same time, the only person who reaped any benefit from their stay, with the exception of those Glasgow shoemakers who were entrusted with the provision of footgear for the troops.

Meanwhile, the Earl of Perth, although not prominent among the leaders of the Host, was still in correspondence with Hamilton, with what immediate purpose is not clearly intelligible, unless it be that he anticipated the fall of Lauderdale from power and wished to secure friends for himself among the opposite party. On January 31st, he wrote to the Duke assuring him that the Marquis of Athol] and he himself were still doing all they could to mitigate the unpleasantness of the situation. "We have had much talk," he says, "about the present prospect should be had of your Grace's circumstances. Some wold advise the bond as a good mean to put over a time, others see that may prove a snare, but our comitty. wil not hear of anything is not expressly in the instructions. Wee have not one word of any imprisoning, so I can say nothing of that; but this night wee had an order subscribed empowering the General Major to order our marches when and how he pleases until wee be at Air. This they say is levelled at Hamilton and the adjacent places. Tho' that be about to see a friend, I am not of that opinion, for Marquis Athol's men are nixt to your Grace's interrest, and wil not be employed that way I think. He has removed two companys from Cambuslang to ease your Grace's tenants; he vows service and only begs to see how he may do it. I study to get all I can of intelligence, but I find they are so close, no art can reach their designs, but if they go on they must speak plain. Had Wigtown stayed  [The Earl of Wigtown at the Council meeting of 31st January, pleading "necessar business at Edinburgh wherein he is much concerned," had asked permission to withdraw from the work of the Committee for a few days, a request which was granted (Register Privy Council, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 337).] wee should have begun at changing ther president [The Earl of Moray had been elected president at Glasgow (Ibid. p. 516). Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. p. 163.] and tryed our strenth that way, but now the case at most wil be equal. Very shortly wee wil find it fitt to send home our men; Caithness is eager for it, for his land wil be laid wast if they stay long." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 518.] From this it is clear that the subsequent disaffection of Atholl and Perth was the result of careful premeditation, although it is not at all probable that their aims and views had been made clear to those who sat with them on the committee or that the fact of their correspondence with Hamilton was known. At the same time, Lauderdale was without doubt aware that he could rely on them only so long as he held out hope of material reward.

The desire on the part of the Highland chiefs to return home, expressed thus early by Perth, was caused by the dread of a descent of their neighbours upon their unprotected territories. The Earl of Caithness had good reason to be the most anxious to return since a "hership" had already been committed on his lands, when a considerable number of horses along with goods of various kinds had been stolen. To allay the fears of Caithness, a letter was sent on February 1st by the Committee to Lord M'Donald, reminding him that when the various noblemen of Perth with the Host had been summoned, he, "as having the trust of the securities of the hielandes "had been required to do his utmost to repress all acts of robbery or violence that might occur during their absence. Telling him of their information concerning the raid upon the property of the Earl of Caithness, the Committee asked him to consider "how much it concernes his majesties service that those present called by his authority to serve him in which they have given so ready obedience should be protected in their absence," and bade him take immediate action against those who had committed this theft. The freebooters were to be sought out and forced to surrender the stolen property which was then to be restored to the lawful owners with due payment for loss or damage. M'Donald was further warned that if this were not done, the Committee would so report his remissness to the Privy Council that the value of the stolen property would be retained "out of the first and readiest" of his "pension." He was accordingly requested to render with all speed to the injured Earl of Caithness an account of his " diligence and obedience," since it would be impossible to continue with the work in the West if such things were to happen in the Highlanders' own country, particularly if they had no certain knowledge that the perpetrators of the deed would be punished and the loss made good. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p 518.]

The Earl of Perth followed up his letter to the Duke of Hamilton by a visit in person, for on 2nd February, the latter writes to the Earl of Queensberry telling him that Perth had visited him "but there passed nothing more of consequence more then you know." The gentlemen of Lanarkshire had met as enjoined by the Committee, but only two, "Hags and Walstain" had taken the Bond. "The rest desired to consider it till this day, and then they did not meet so fully, and yett no more wold take it but desired a new delay till Teusday; wherupon I tooke instruments of my dilligence in offering it, so wee parted." Those who had the Highlanders quartered upon them, Hamilton adds, were making "sad and greivous complaints"—a matter of peculiar grief to Hamilton, to whom his afflicted tenantry were now looking in vain for some abatement of their woes. [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XV., Appendix viii. p. 233.] The Committee of the West, however, were now on the point of leaving Glasgow, much satisfied with a communication just received from the Privy Council approving of all their actions, and expressing the hope "that the prudent care, zeal and resolution which you have shown in these places will soon reduce them to ther deuty without any considerable trouble to the king, which wee very earnestly desire." The Council also now undertook to procure payment from the Lords of the Treasury for the thousand pairs of shoes provided for the Militia and Highlanders, and asked that a full account of all the proceedings of the Committee should be rendered from time to time. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, February 3rd, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 337.]

Up to the date of their setting out for Ayr the total result of the work of the Host had been to force upon the people of the shires the attitude of passive resistance. The people of Lanarkshire had been thoroughly awed by the presence of the soldiery, at whose hands they had suffered much injustice and indignity, and were therefore both willing and anxious to conciliate their rulers in any way that did not involve the taking of the hated Bond. The Duke of Hamilton, writing on the 8th February to the Earl of Queensberry, puts the situation thus: "All the account I can ad to my last of what has been done in this shire is that the Earl of Carnwath and some few gentlemen and pittie feuers has taken the Bond since, and many of the burgeses of Glasgow." Then, stating the attitude of those who have conscientious scruples against the signing of the Bond, he goes on: "But I hope the refuising of itt will be made no test of loyalty, for I am sure there is that has refuised it, has and will be as ready to venter their lives and fortuns in the King's service and mentinance of the laws as any that has taken itt. And tho all have not the like friedom to take bonds they think not warranted by law, tho by itt they might save them selfs and interrest from present trouble; yett in chirritie I hope they may expect not to be so severly dealt with, as it seams your gentlmen warrands you to offer to the councill, for securring the refuissers, which I thinke no good preprative, and I beleive is more nor was desired from you." Queensberry had evidently offered to keep his arms for Hamilton should he be compelled to surrender them in the course of the general disarming of Lanarkshire. Hamilton, however, writes: "If I be not able to presairue my arms my self, I do not resolve to trouble any friend to keep them for me. However, I thanke you kindly for the offer, and shall waite on you att Edinburgh as soon as I am able." The letter concludes with a request that Queensberry should hasten to Edinburgh, since there he might be able both to right himself and help his friends. [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XV., Appendix viii. pp. 233-4.]

Queensberry had already, on 6th February, written to Hamilton, telling him that he had presented the Bond to the heritors of Dumfriesshire, whom he had met at Thorny Hill, ten miles from Dumfries, on February 4th. [S.P. Dom. Car. II., vol. 400, No. 211.] Influenced by the promise that should the Bond be signed, the Committee, with their attendant Highlanders, would not march as far as Dumfries, [S.P. Dom. Car. II., vol. 400, No. 211.] all the heritors had subscribed their names "sav some few pitif ull persons inconsiderable both as to parts and interest, and thes didn't poseteivly declyn't bot desyrt tym to think off itt which I coudn't grant." Like Hamilton, he was in correspondence with the Marquis of Atholl and the Earl of Perth, who, he trusted, would do all that was possible to save the district from the quartering of the troops. He was determined, however, that his lands should not suffer on account of a few malcontents, and would, if necessary, secure or otherwise dispose of "thes pitiful persons," although he hoped that extreme measures would not be necessary except in a few cases, since the fact that the Highlanders were so near had struck such terror to the hearts of his people that they were willing to do all that the government might ask, whatever might be their inward conviction. "Sutch is the greatt terror," he writes, "the Hylanders and methods now taikn occasions hear that the whoill tennentrie offers what can bee desyrt tho I'm sheur nather they nor many off ther masters desyn performence. . . . My tennents ar within twenty who refeus to sygne and thes beggers, for whois cause I fynd it hard the rest, and my whoill interest suffer, so had ordert presently, to seceur what they had for my bygon rent and turn them off my land or putt them in prisson." What astonished him most concerning these people who refused was that most of them were "Annandale peopell and knou no moir off religion or civell deportment then bruts." Queensberry himself, although he had not as yet signed the Bond, intended to do so "in a competent time," the fact of the matter being, as he explained, that neither he nor any of his people saw any reason why they should suffer "for a principle they never owned," and that the ruling factor with them was their determination to prevent, if at all possible, the quartering of the troops upon them. [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. p. 159.]

Replying now to what he called Hamilton's "piquish letter" of the 8th, Queensberry told him that he did not deny that those who had refused the Bond might be as loyal as those who had taken it, but that at the same time he maintained that those who had signed it were as honest as those who had refused it. Those of his district, for example, had signed the Bond almost to a man, and Hamilton, who had himself said that if his tenantry would do the like he would not decline it, could not condemn them. He himself, he continued, was not unaware of "the snairs desygnt by the boind and in hou far presing off itt may bee considdert a streatch upon the lau bott present ruein is terrible to some, and I'm convinc't thes who have volentarly offered them selves to pres ws to itt wood nott declyn to sygn itt if we were in ther place, tho some of them advys ws otherwys. Its treu I coud stopt this countrey from taiking't bott I'm sheur my hazard wes greate and obvious and our advantadg noin at all, so fynding thes off greatest concern reddy to doo itt I thought hard the least pretence off bringing thes barbers (the Highland Host) to this place shood be left, wpon which account I was content they shood offer by the melitia or otherwys to dispois of the refeusers" —who, after all, amounted to a very small number. He further asserted that the fact that those of his district had responded so readily to the demands of the Committee had not been at all pleasing to that body since, whether with reason or without reason, he believed that "the ruin of his interest" was designed. Meanwhile, he was doing his best to learn the intentions of the leaders of the Host, since it had been reported to him that their intention was to march the Highlanders to Teviotdale and Galloway through his estates. He repudiated any suggestion of his having made his peace with Lauderdale. "I am nott under tearms off capitulation with any off that partie, nor hay I moir assurence then thes four years past, and if yuir Grace judg fitt to seceur yourself withoutt reguard to me I shall not repyn, bott on the contrair bee weall satisfyt with yuir good forton and submitt to the worst can befall myself."  [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. pp. 159, 160.]

In reply to this letter Hamilton wrote that from what Queensberry had told him he was much inclined to believe with him that, by complying so readily with the demands of the Committee and inducing his tenantry to follow his example, he had disappointed his enemies, a fact which gave him great satisfaction. At the same time, he would not have Queensberry forget that "he did not stand alone as the object of malicious designs, thaire malice is as much againest others as againest you, and our interrests are considerable to us as others are to them." Meanwhile, he concluded, "on all occasions you shall never have any reason to complean ather of the uneasines or unfixednes of my friendshipe, which few hitherto has had occasion to do, whatever be my other faults." [Ibid. Report XV., Appendix viii. 234.]

The men of Lanarkshire had proved more stubborn than those of Dumfriesshire in their resistance to the Government, but this was not because coercion had not been brought to bear upon them. The town of Lanark, in particular, had suffered in a fashion exceeding the hardships to which the troubled times had accustomed men; "Lanark being a place looked upon as disaffected to the Government, was continually upon all occasions paistred with soldiers by transient and locall quarterings, so that many tymes the whol houssis were filled, so that the poor people had not the freedom to follow their employments." [Burgh Records of Lanark, p. 229.] The citizens had more to complain of, as a rule, than the mere fact that they had to provide free quarters. In the Burgh Records it is put down as a usual occurrence that " ordinarlie the horse quartered upon the place have in all seasons of the yeir destroyed their victuall and grass, and quhen the barn yards failed, they have broken the barns and taken the threshitt victuall quherof they have brok 8 or 9 in one night, and the persons damnified could have no reparation." [Ibid. p. 229.]

The particular circumstances attending the quartering in Lanark of the soldiers of the Host were recorded in "Ane short accompt of the extraordinary sufferings of the Burgh of Lanerk," [In response to an enquiry, James Annan, Esq., Town Clerk of Lanark, states that this particular account is not now extant.] an extract from which is quoted in the Burgh Records to the effect that " the most pairt of the earle of Strathmoirs regiment was quartered in Lanark the spece of 21 dayes, wheir by oppression they exacted of the inhabitantes of free and dry quarteris, the soum of 3544 pound, quherof ther is an particular accompt yet extant, and this besyde the demolishing of the tolbooth and other houssis in the toune and quhat they robed." [Burgh Records, Lanark, p. 229.] It is small matter for wonder, in the light of this, that Queensberry's tenants were resolved that the Council should not be left with any reason for quartering the Highlanders upon them, or that Sir George Rawdon should write from Ireland to Viscount Conway, "I suppose particular intelligence comes to London of the proceedings of the Comittee of Councell in ye western parts and the Hyland forces and others joined with them and that they are upon free quarter and handle the disaffected with severity, wch has putt a terror into our neighbours on this side that I have lesse doubt than formerly of their ill neighbourhood." [S.P. Ireland, vo1. 338, No. 143.]

The Committee, indeed, were already so well satisfied with the effect produced by the Highlanders, that even before the Host left Glasgow it had been determined that there was no need to bring over troops from Ireland. On February 2nd, Sir George Rawdon, writing to Viscount Conway, told him that " the six troops of this brigade are ordered to goo away hence and march to their former quarters, but the foot stay still in these parts." [S.P. Ireland, vol. 338, No. 140.] In case there should be any rising in North Ireland, however, on the part of those who sympathised with the Presbyterians of the West of Scotland, orders had been given early in February for the revival of the militia of the counties of Ireland, a body which had so long been defunct, that they had lost "all or most of their arms." [Ibid. No. 142.] At the same time, the garrisons in all the sea-ports of Northern Ireland were considerably strengthened, lest any attempt should be made to aid the men of the Western shires in a rising against their oppressors. [Ibid. No. 140.] These matters being thus settled, the Committee transferred the headquarters of the Host to Ayr, where, on the 8th February, a letter was received from the Privy Council with the order, that in accordance with the instructions already sent, they should now proceed to the disarming of the shires. As a very pertinent addition to this letter the Council advised strongly that no proposals should be entertained suggesting the arming of any private persons or body of persons 'upon pretence of securing the place.' The appointment of Captain Dundas to be `general quartermaster,' with pay at the rate of twelve shillings sterling a day, was also approved by the Council. The Committee, on the same day, extended the Major-General's warrant for quartering the troops on the march to Ayr and in Ayr. He was now empowered "to continou the quartering of ye forces in the pareshes and places where they are at present, or to alter, change, and inlarge their quarters to any partes or places and at such tymes as he shall judge most fitt and convenient until! the Committy give further orders anent the same." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 521.]

The Committee had, on the 7th February, ordered the Earl of Cassilis to destroy several meeting-houses in the Baylery of Carrick, and rase them to the ground. [Ibid. vol. v. (Third Series) p. 520.] Cassilis had, in obedience to the summons, been present at the meeting of the Committee at Glasgow on January 20th; on the 29th of the same month he had, as bailiff principal of Carrick, been ordered to collect all arms within his district " as muskets, pistols, swords, pikes, and halberds, Lochaber axes, dirks, and whingers," it being laid down that those who refused to surrender their weapons were to have the troops quartered on them. He had obeyed the Committee on all points, and had duly given in an account of his proceedings to the Committee at Ayr on 7th February, when he received this further order to demolish the meeting-houses of Carrick, and to make exact enquiry concerning the names of those who had built them and those who had given the sites. This the Earl proceeded somewhat reluctantly to do, since, as he complained, "the Lords would not allow him any of the standing forces, nor the gentlemen, his friends, to go armed to assist him." He had scarcely executed this commission when a new warrant was issued, enjoining him to bring back the timbers of the demolished meeting-houses to the places where they had stood, and to burn them there, so that the people of the various districts where these rude chapels had been situated might not, through their demolition, acquire a stock of firewood.

All these orders the Earl duly executed. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) pp. 353, 366, 420, 421. In "A true information of the Committee of his Majesteis Privy Council mett in the West their procedur against the Earle of Cassilis" (Ibid. pp. 429432, quoted also Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 440, 44i), it is asserted that the duties thus enjoined were not carried out by the Earl himself, but by the country people, "Who, hearing it was ordered by the committee, knew well it would be done however, and so prevented the earl, and demolished the same."] The next command of the Committee soon reached him; on February 9th, by letters sent from Ayr, he was ordered to publish on the next Sabbath day, at the market cross of Maybole and at all the parish church doors in his Baylery, a proclamation requiring all heritors, liferenters, and others of the Baylery to appear before the Lords of the Committee at Ayr on the 22nd, to subscribe such bonds as should be appointed. In spite of the fact, however, that the Earl at once complied with this demand, and issued the proclamation as required, 1500 men were sent, on loth February, into his district of Carrick and took up free quarters there, most of them indeed, being billeted upon the estate of the Earl himself, the result being, as he complained, that "not onely free quarter, but dry quarter, plunder, and other exactions, with many insolencies and cruelties, too tedious and lamentable to report were committed." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) pp. 420-422, 587. Historical MSS. Commission, Retort X., Appendix vi. pp. 183-4 (The case of the Earl of Cassilis), quoted also in-Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 435-436.]

These facts were the basis of a complaint made subsequently by the Earl of Cassilis to the King, which brought a very vigorous defence of their position from the Committee, [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) pp. 429-432. Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 438, 439, 440, 441, 442.] who maintained that at the time they had good reason to believe that the people of Carrick were in a state bordering on rebellion, that the Earl himself, the principal man in the district, had by his reluctant performance of his duties, been by no means an example to his people, and that it was most necessary to destroy all meeting-places of conventicles, since "there were far more armed men assembled in them almost weekly than could be represented by almost thrice the number of the standing forces." [Wodrow denies this assertion thus: "People who were at these meetings smile at this bugbear the managers and prelates, from conscience of guilt, form to themselves. Till some years after this, there were very few armed at conventicles." At the same time, subsequent events showed the fears of the Committee not to have been without foundation (Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 440).] All Cassius' complaints as to the insolence and exactions of the forces, the Committee dismissed by denying all knowledge of any outrage, and by stating that no complaint reached them, or, so far as they knew, any of their officers —a statement that does not bear out the facts. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) pp. 429-432. Wodrow, vol. ii. pp. 438, 439, 440, 441, 442.]

Meanwhile, the Committee had not been idle in dealing with other parts of the suspected districts. On February 8th, the Earl of Nithsdale, stewart principal of the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, appeared before the Committee of the West at Ayr, and excused himself for non-compliance with the order to appear before the Committee at Glasgow upon the 26th January, on the ground that the letter sent to him by the Council miscarried—an excuse which was accepted. At the same time, he was ordered to present the Bond to the heritors and other responsible persons within the shire of Kirkcudbright, and to disarm the shire. As in the case of the other shires, all were to be disarmed except the gentlemen of quality, who were given permission to retain their swords. Orders were at the same time given for the demolition of a meeting-house in Kirkcudbright, Nithsdale at the same time being requested to give in a declaration upon oath concerning the arms taken from the people of that shire. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 522.]

On February 9th, the Committee again met under the presidency of the Earl of Glencairn. At this meeting, information was given by the Major-General against John Muir, late provost of Ayr, "for several conventicles and other great disorders"; Muir, it was alleged, had tacitly acknowledged his guilt by making his escape, and Linlithgow had, accordingly, placed sentries on a certain ship, the " James" of Ayr, on which the fugitive was said to have embarked some of his goods. The Committee endorsed the general's orders as to guarding the ship and ordered that it should be kept under constant observation, at the same time thanking him for his great care in an affair which they seemed to consider one of some importance. [Ibid. vol. v. (Third Series) p. 523.] On the same day, an Act was published by the Committee, commanding all heritors and responsible persons in the shire of Ayr to appear before them, "to take the bond for the securing the peace and quiet of the country, and preserving the same from disorders hereafter." [Ibid. vol. v. (Third Series) p. 524. The parishes mentioned are Monktoun, Craigie, Riccartoun, Auchinleck, Barnwell, Dalrymple, Symingtoun, Muirkirk, Mauchlin, Old and New Tarboltoun, Corltoun, Cumnock, Old and New Ochiltree, Dalmellingtoun, Dundonald, St. Quivox, and Galstoun (Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 407).] At this sederunt, the Committee passed another Act forbidding "any of the forces, militia or hielandmen to trouble or molest the persons or goodes of any of the officers belonging to the new port of Glasgow or any of the goods belonging to that office (the Custom House), as they will be answerable at their highest perill, with power to the said officers, if need be, to call any person to their assistance upon any injury done or offered to them." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 525.] A similar Act was passed concerning the Custom House of Irvine, it being added that the Committee "doe grant license and warrand to the sd officers of customs of that burgh to have, keep and wear their arms as formerly in ye exercise of their duty and charge." [Ibid] It was further enacted concerning the city of Glasgow, that the Lords of the Committee, understanding that a great number of persons there had refused to sign the Bond, now gave order and warrant to the magistrates of the burgh to quarter all troops entering Glasgow upon those who had refused to obey the authorities, these citizens who had taken the Bond being as far as possible freed from this duty. [Ibid]

From Ayr, on 10th February, the Committee despatched a letter to the Privy Council announcing the issuing of the Proclamation to the inhabitants of Ayrshire, and stating that they intended to spend the ensuing week in disarming the people, the officers in command of troops in each district to be disarmed having been ordered to assist the sheriff or bailie deputed in each parish to perform this work. [Ibid. pp. 345, 346. ] This letter concludes with a commendation to Lauderdale and the Council of "the major general, his prudent care and indefatigable labour and paines in the management of that trust wherewithe his majestie hes been pleased to honour him, which deserves the Councill's speciall consideration and thanks." [Ibid] The last matter considered by the Committee at this sederunt was that of the detention of the ship "James" of Ayr, on which sentries had been placed on account of her supposed connection with Provost Muir. It had now been ascertained that the vessel was not owned even in part by him and that he had no goods on her; under these circumstances, the Committee acceded to a petition which had reached them, and allowed the vessel to sail for the Plantations, whither she was bound. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, February 10th, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 528.]

Thus far the work of the Host had proceeded without any sign of that rebellion which had been feared. The Highlanders had acted according to their traditions for the most part, bearing themselves rudely towards those upon whom they were quartered and exacting all they could by way of money and provisions from the people, pillaging and destroying wherever they went, [S.P. Dom., vol, 4ot, No. 189. Sir C. Musgrave to Williamson, "Wherever the Highlanders come, they destroy all."] but the people had borne patiently all indignities and oppressions. The Committee, nevertheless, were naturally on the alert for any sign of rebellion among men whom they must have known to be exasperated almost beyond measure. It was not long before the expected announcement of revolt was made. On February 12th, information was brought to the leaders of the Host that such a rising as had been anticipated was in progress, a body of men in arms having assembled on Fenwick Moor. Orders were therefore issued to the Major-General to take such portion of the Guards or other forces under his command as he should think fit, and march against these rebels, his instructions being to "dissipat them by force of arms if they shall offer to make any opposition or resistance, and to pursue them to the death, kill and destroy." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, February 12th, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 528.]

Partly in connection with this expedition and partly for the general use of the Host, Linlithgow was at the same time recommended to seize upon horses "for the kinges service in carying men and ammunition." From the parish of Ayr and Alloway, he was to take forty horses, from St. Quivox, thirty, from Monkton, forty, from Culton, fifty, and from Dalrymple forty. If, however, horses could not be obtained from these parishes, without unnecessary loss of time, the general was empowered to seize horses wherever they could be found. [Ibid] Duly prepared and equipped, therefore, to meet a formidable enemy, a small field force of some eight hundred men, under the command of Lord Ross, set out without delay to quell the reported rising. In a few days, however, Ross had to return without having discovered a trace of an enemy. Fearful, however, lest the whole matter should be wrongly reported to the Privy Council and thereupon be misconstrued by them, the Committee decided to send a full account of the affair to the Duke of Lauderdale. This was accordingly done in the following letter despatched to him on February 15th:

"May it please your Grace,
"Upon the 12th instant in the forenoon, information being given of some men in armes in the muir betwixt Phinnick and Egleshem, upon the Fryday and the Saterday before, the committee immediately gave orders to the majorgenerall to appoint such a number of horse and foot as he should thing Fitt to march to that place, who accordingly ordered a comanded party of his ma regiment of guardes, thrie hundred of the marquis of Atholl's men, two hundred of the Earl of Marrs, (as being nearest to that place), and some of ther horse and Perthshyre gentlemen to march under the command of the Lord Rosse, lieutennant collonel to the said regiment, to the forsed place. Who instantly marched, and having in thrie days returned, did report to us that they, haveing traversed the countrey in all places suspect, could have no information of any men that had been or were in armes or the least appearance of any insurrection, and, least any misreport should aryse herefrom, we thought it our duty by this expresse to give this accompt."

Continuing, the letter informed the Duke and his council that the various parishes had been disarmed on the days fixed by proclamation, Ayr being the last dealt with. The people of each parish had been summoned to the parish church, where each man affirmed upon oath that he had not withheld any weapon. The arms, of which there was a considerable number, this being especially true of firearms, had been sent from the various parishes to Ayr, whence they were to be conveyed, as arranged in connection with the other weapons already seized, to Dumbarton Castle. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 353.] The same meeting of Committee that sent this letter to Lauderdale decided that all gentlemen in the shires who had not signed the Bond were to put away any horse they possessed worth more than fifty pounds Scots, the penalty for noncompliance with the order to be fixed at a hundred pounds Scots, [Ibid. P. 354. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 410. Historical MSS. Commission, Report X., Appendix vi. p. 134.] this measure being deemed necessary, since a horse was "still accounted among the arms and instruments of war." [Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 439.]

A letter, dated loth February, 1678, written probably by John, Lord Murray, to the Marchioness of Atholl, from Ayr, and addressed `For my Lady,' gives a glimpse of the situation in Ayr and the surrounding country at this time. The writer says: " On Monday, the 18th . . . we came to Aire about 3 o'clock. My father went to the Committee wher ther was little done for all the express. Its impossible to tell when we shall returne, for the Councell themselfes knowes not till the Councell at Edenburgh sends them orders. Everybody thinkes it will be about a fortnight. All are extreame weary here, many of the Perthshire gentlemen are going home without liberty, the bearer of this, Fullertone, sayes he will be quite undone if he does not go —I cannot think of anything more to tell you only they say that within 5 or 6 dayes there will not bee a bitt meate in the town, its beginning to grow scarce already. The reason is, the country people dare bring nothing to the town, for feare of Mar's and Caithnes men, who will intercept it, so they choose rather to eat it themselfes, but I belive we will soon change our quarters, so then there will be no want. WTe have just done dinner. My Lord Marc and Glencairnie and Caithness has been dining with my father, who, God be thanked, keeps his health very well—None that dwells in the West dare keep a hors abov 50 pounds Scots, after the first of March." [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XII., Appendix viii. p. 34.]

This desire of the Highland lords to return home, thus mentioned by Lord Murray, had already been the subject of discussion in the Privy Council. In this connection, the Earl of Perth, who was still in communication with Hamilton, wrote to him on 15th February, telling him of a meeting of the Privy Council to consider "what to doe with the desire of these Lords to be dismist, and what certification to appoint against the refusers of the Bond." The general opinion among those most capable of judging the situation was that the Highlanders would soon be permitted to go home, and that their place in the Host would be taken by the Militia of the Lothians. With regard to the treatment of those who still refused the Bond, Perth stated the Council to have finally resolved on "a charge of horning for lawburrows at the king's instance." They had also decided to disarm every man, irrespective of rank, in the disaffected districts—a decision arrived at, according to Perth, only after a heated discussion between Lauderdale and Rothes. "Your Grace (Hamilton)," Perth writes, "was named on that occasion and particularly resolved to be so treated. Lord Chancellor (Rothes) took occasion of your being named, to speak somewhat home against it, said it was the mark of the beast, so to say, for that the usurpers had practised it, and told them that for theire owne sakes they ought not to doe any such thing, and saied to Duke Lauderdale that for his owne sake he ought not to suffer so strange a practise as to disarme a Duke, without laying to his charge any sort of crime. To which they say Duke Lauderdale returned some unmannerly answere, like himself, which occasioned some heate there, and that Duke Lauderdale followed him (Rothes) over to his owne house, and that there wer very warme words betwixt them there. Each of them upbraided other as the cawser of disorders in the country. I have not been able to gett the particularieties of the story from Lord Chancellor." Perth follows this up by a highly significant passage, in which he suggests that Lauderdale was throughout acting contrary to the general wish of his Council. "He (the Chancellor), hath been very ill to-day, and I was all this evening, till ten at night, engaged in talking, first, with Sir G. McKenzie, and after with the Archbishop of St. Andrewes, with both of whom I raked up all our present affaires roundly, and both sweare they have no accessione to these courses, and sayes, God knowes, ill enough both of the things and theire actors. But there is not on sing! Councellor other wayes, and yet all goes on." There was much popular sympathy, apparently, with Hamilton, "When your Grace comes to towne and has your sword taken from you, I find few honest men but say that if Duke Hamiltone be put to walk without his sword they will even lay aside theirs and beare him company." [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. pp. 163.164.]

In spite of all coercive measures, however, the great majority of the people would neither rise in arms against their oppressors and so enable the Government to use their expeditionary force in actual warfare, nor would they sign the Bond. On 10th February, the Committee took steps to still further harass those who had refused to take the Bond, by giving warrant to the major-general " to remove any of the forces off the ground and landes of such as have taken or shall take the Bond and to quarter them in such uthr places as he shall think fitt." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, February 10th, 1678.] It was commonly said among the people of the shires, however, that the Highlanders in oppressing and plundering, and in quartering themselves upon the people, made no nice distinctions between those who had and those who had not signed the Bond, of the very nature of which, in all probability, the great majority of the clansmen were in ignorance. [Kirkton, PP. 386, 387.] Among those in higher circles, again, it was a common report that, in apportioning billets to the troops, Lauderdale and his friends often took occasion to gratify private spite and animosity, since, in many cases, those suffered greatly who had not been guilty of attendance at any field conventicles, while many who were most guilty, were spared on account of friendship with someone in authority. [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix iv. p. 31.]

The rapacity of the Highlanders, however, was now satisfied. They had already been on service for nearly forty days, and with most of them the ruling desire was to get safely home with the spoils already gathered from the Whigs. The Council had already come to the conclusion that the time for the northward march was at hand and had written to the Committee that being desirous of making the service as easy as possible for the nobles who had organised the expedition to the West, they were content that so soon as the shires of Ayr, Lanark and Renfrew had been subdued, all the Highlanders should be sent home except five hundred to be selected from those who were least likely to be of service in their own country `from their labour and industry.' [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 355.] The Committee, therefore, wrote to the Council on 23rd February with regard to the prevailing temper of their men. "Upon consideration of that part of the Councill's letter relateing to the highlanders, the lords who command them declared to the commity that it was impossible for them to keep out their men any longer, it being now neer fourty dayes since they came from home, hot have resolved they will keep out fyve hundred of ther men for his mates service." The Perthshire gentlemen, the Marquis of Atholl and Earl of Perth represented to be also anxious to return home, if they could do so with the consent and approbation of the Privy Council. It was stated to the Council that if these troops were withdrawn, there would remain on service in the shires only 2500 foot and some 300 horse, including the regiment of foot guards and troop of horse guards. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 366.] Since, however, the Committee were by no means of opinion that the time had come to denude the country of troops, they suggested that some troops should be stationed in garrisons throughout the disaffected districts, not only to ensure the peace of the shires, but also, should necessity arise, to be at hand as an effective fighting instrument at the disposal of the Council. In this connection, the Committee asked the Council to reconsider their instructions regarding the placing of garrisons in houses "that wee may be more fully instructed ther anent and if ther maintenance, pottes, pannes, bedding, coall and candle be comprehendit under the general word of necessars." [Ibid]

On this day, 23rd February, both the Earl of Cassilis and the Earl of Nithsdale had appeared before the Committee. The Earl of Cassilis reported his execution of the orders of the Committee, two meeting-places in Carrick having been burned down, and was now given till the 28th to give in a list of the persons who had been guilty of building them or who had been accessories to the deed. Nithsdale, in his turn, reported upon those who had signed the Bond within the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright.

It had now been decided that a considerable portion of the clansmen should be allowed to return home. The Committee, therefore, now proceeded to deliberate as to which of the Highlanders should remain on service. Finally it was decided that Atholl, Mar, Perth and Caithness should together keep out 500 men, 200 of whom were to be Atholl's Highlanders, 200 Caithness' men from Glenorchy, 50 from the territories of Mar, and 50 from those of Perth. These were to be left under the command of such officers as should be decided upon by the various noblemen concerned, the major-general being empowered to appoint an officer to command the whole number thus left behind. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, February 23rd, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 547.] Although the Highlanders had now been for some considerable time on service, they were not yet all equipped to the satisfaction of their leaders. On 25th February, therefore, the Committee, presumably to some extent in view of the approaching long march home, took steps to see that all the Highlanders were sufficiently well shod, James Campbell, Provost of Glasgow, being ordered to deliver as soon as possible, a portion of the shoes that had already been made for the use of the troops. To the Earl of Moray, the Earl of Caithness, and the Marquis of Atholl, he was to deliver "eleven score pair of shoes," while to the Earl of Perth, he was to deliver "thrie score pair."

A portion of the force was thus about to be dismissed, but the Lords of the Committee felt that their task was by no means accomplished and that they were very far from being in a position to relax their efforts to reduce the people of the West to submission. On the 27th February, therefore, the Committee proceeded to take steps with regard to enforcing the Bond in Irvine, Glasgow and Stirling. To the people of Irvine it was intimated that only those who should sign the Bond would be recognised as Magistrates by the Council; if such men could not be found, the town would lose its privileges as a burgh. The bailies of Glasgow, all of whom had taken the Bond, were ordered to cease to recognise as burgesses of the town or members of trade guilds any who had not signed it; they were also to dismiss from the Town Council any who refused the Bond. A like message was sent to the magistrates and council of Stirling. [Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 411.]

In spite of all repressive measures, however, the people still held out. The Committee, indeed, had discovered that many of the people of Ayrshire had retained their arms, and on 28th February gave the major-general powers to search for arms wherever he thought they lay hid, and to seize them. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 551] In obeying these orders, the soldiers made no distinction between the house of the noble and that of the peasant. Thus Sir C. Musgrave writes on February 28th to Williamson: "Duke Hambleton was sent ffor by ye Committee . . . and they searched his house ffor armes, and tooke away all but a little sword ffor himself to walk with."  [S.P. Dom. Car. II., vol. 401, No. 189.]

The knowledge that the people of Ayrshire were still possessed of arms seems to have caused the regular clergy in the West to fear that their safety was assured only by the presence of the Highlanders, and that, unless sufficient forces were left to garrison the country, they would have to leave their charges. The fact that the people had good reason to believe that much of what had befallen them had been done at the instance of the bishops, justifies one in considering their fears not ill-founded. [Lauderdale Papers, edited by Airy, vol. iii, p. 95.] Towards the end of February, the clergymen of Ayrshire, seeing the preparations for the homegoing of the Highlanders, embodied their views and suggestions in a letter written to the Archbishop of Glasgow. They gave their "humble opinion of the present tymes" at some length, saying that the leading men of the district should be brought back from Edinburgh, where they expected to find refuge, and should be severely dealt with, since only thus would the common folks, who were entirely led by these gentlemen, be brought to conformity. They were likewise of opinion that the indulged ministers should either be "stinted of their liberty, or absolutely laid aside," since they were the chief source of all disorder and disaffection. Finally, they gave it as their view of the situation that the garrisons in the district were too few and weak, and that they ought to be strengthened by 200 men left in garrison at Ayr. [Register Privy Council, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 369. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 411. Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. p. 157.]

This letter had the effect desired by its authors. The Council, on ist March, wrote to the Committee: "As to the garrisons, we consider it will be necessar to have some in the sheriffdom of Air and jurisdiction therein when you goe from these places, but the numbers, persons and places are left to you as being upon the place, and it is our opinion that you provyd pottes, pannes, and all necessars, by commanding the commissioners of the militia and excyse to provyd as they shall be answerable, which wee think the shyre ought to provyd since they refused to serve the shire when invited therto by his majesty and his privy council, and since his majesty has therupon allowed us to doe every thyng necessar for serving the peace in these shyres, and when they live regularly his majesty will ease them accordingly. If you make use of any of the kinges regiment they need no pay, having the kinges pay."

Having thus provided for garrisons as desired, the Council proceeded to arrange for troops to take the place of the Highlanders. "Wee weill approve of the hielanders returning, having left 500 of their number," they wrote, "and wee are content the gentlemen of perth also return home, to whom wee return our hearty thanks in his ma. name for therr zeall at this important occasion, and to supply such as are gone and goe wee have sent you the regiment of foot of Midlothian, and the troup of Linlithgow and Peebles. Wee have ordered that the troop and regiment of Stirlingshyre be dismyst, the dayes of stay being expyred." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, March 1st, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) P. 369.]

The further suggestions of the clergy were carried into effect on March 7th, when the Privy Council issued a proclamation requiring all gentlemen and heritors, etc. having residence within the shires of Ayr, Renfrew, and Lanark, to return to these shires within three days. The bishops, however, were not yet satisfied; as if to prove to the utmost their deep share in all the work of the Highland Host, they determined to anticipate any of the outraged nobility and gentry of the western shires in gaining the ear of the King, and early in March sent the Archbishop of Glasgow to London with a memorial on their behalf drawn up by the Archbishop of St. Andrews, in which they stated that the danger to which they were exposed in Scotland had driven them to address him thus and to offer to his "princelie consideration how inconsistent are the violent and irregular courses of these who rend the church and persecute vs for no other reason but that of our absolute and entyre dependance upon your Majestie and our sincere endeavors to keep the people in a dutiful obedience to your Majestie's authoritie." [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. p. 158. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 422.]

In accordance with the arrangements made by the Council, the Highlanders from Perthshire and Aberdeenshire left early in March, leaving behind them from north of the Forth only the Angus Militia, both horse and foot, the foot regiment and one troop of horse being left under Strathmore, the other troop of horse under Airlie. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, March 31st, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) P. 417.] The horse and foot Militia regiments from the Lothians were on the march towards Glasgow, however, so that the military hold of the country was in nowise relaxed. Neither did it seem that the people of the West could hope for more consideration from the Lowland soldiery than they had experienced at the hands of the Highlanders, since the reports of those who had witnessed the conduct of the Militia upon their embodiment were far from reassuring. The officers, it was said, had determined to act honestly towards the civil populace and to pay for everything, "but the soldiers were the very worst of men, any sober persons, who had no mind to go, put any they could get in their room." [Wodrow, vol. ii. P. 412.]

The leaders of the Host now set themselves to deliberate as to the disposal of their forces, and on March 2nd, in response to the letter received from the Council, with reference to the placing of garrisons throughout the shire of Ayr, decided that military posts must be left in some of the more important mansion houses. They therefore ordered that a garrison should be sent to Blairquhan in Carrick, another to Barskimming, and a third to Cesnock. In order that the soldiers in these places should be provided with "pottes, pannes, and uther necessars," letters were sent to the commissioners of excise demanding their attendance at a meeting summoned for the consideration of the matter. The major-general had been asked to state what he considered a proper number of soldiers for each of the garrisons, and now recommended that 100 foot soldiers and 20 horsemen should be sent to Barskimming, and half that number to each of the other houses. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 375.] When all these arrangements had been made, the Committee, on March 4th, wrote to the Council stating that they had given directions for the establishment of the garrisons, and were taking steps to have them provided through the commissioners of excise, with various necessary utensils. They now desired the advice of the Council as to the maintenance of the troops thus placed in garrison ; if the King's forces were employed, how were they to be supplied with money? Again, if other troops were used, how were they to be maintained [Ibid] In the meantime, the Host had been augmented by the arrival at Glasgow of the regiment of Midlothian Militia, under command of Lieutenant-colonel Sir John Nicolson. []Ibid p. 554]

The Committee now set themselves more seriously to the task of exacting from the shires all that was considered necessary for the maintenance in comfort of the troops under their orders. Those of the commissioners of excise who had appeared at Ayr on March 4th were directed to convene a full meeting of commissioners at Ayr on the 7th; meanwhile, they were told to provide for the soldiers to be placed in garrison, 126 beds, 24 pots, 24 pans, 240 spoons, 60 "timber dishes," 60 "timber cuppes," and 40 "timber stoupes," which were to be distributed among the detachments in proportion to the number of men in each. They were likewise to see to the due provision of "coall and candle" for the men. At the same time, it was particularly enjoined that no heritor who had taken the Bond was to be burdened with any part of the cost of maintaining these garrisons. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol v. (Third Series) p. 555.] Money was also required by the leaders of the Host. To raise the amount demanded, letters were sent, on March 6th, to the Collector of Customs at Glasgow and to the Lord Provost of that city by Captain Dundas, Quarter-master General of the troops in the West, with a request for the sum of 4000 merks, to be applied to the uses of the Committee : this sum was supplied to Captain Dundas on demand. [Ibid. pp. 558, 563.]

On March 9th, the Committee received a letter from the Privy Council approving of all that had been done and particularly of the appointment of garrisons. The Council recommended that the garrisons should be made up of troops belonging to the regular forces, and that, to secure their maintenance, the Committee, in concert with the commissioners of the shire, should set a fixed price upon all necessaries for the soldiers and their horses, it being laid down, however, that coal, candles, bedding, pots and pans should be supplied without payment "as is ordinar in such cases." [Ibid. PP. 379, 564, 565.] If provisions were not brought to the garrisons daily, as should be arranged, the soldiers were empowered to seize what they required, paying for it at the fixed rate. They were, however, in all such exactions to avoid the lands of privy councillors and those who had taken the Bond.

These measures were not carried out without some degree of success. Dr. Hickes, chaplain to the Duke of Lauderdale, for example, could write on March 9th: "The work of reducing the Whigs goes well on, though they have been refractory upon encouragement from some great ones. There is almost none that refuse the Bond but Duke Hamilton, his cousin, the Earl of Cassels, and the Lord Bargenny, his friend among the considerable persons." [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XIII., Appendix ii. pp. 6, 7.] Hickes, however, was much more sanguine of success than those of his party actually in the West. There were still many who refused the Bond, and who proved obdurate under all manner of coercion; from these recusants the Committee proceeded to exact fines. A collector was appointed upon March 11th to receive the fines thus imposed upon delinquents, and was instructed to make payment to Captain James Maitland, the commander of the garrison at Blairquhan, of 200 pounds Scots, for the purpose of supplying that garrison with "coal and candle"; 100 pounds Scots was to he paid to each of the other commanders for the same purpose. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 565.] The Committee were also finding the commissioners of excise refractory, since many of these men had not taken the Bond, and even those who had done so felt unwilling to actively assist in the oppression of their neighbours by furnishing supplies to the garrisons. [Ibid. p. 389. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 426.]

It was in the midst of these difficulties that on March 11th the Committee wrote to the Lords of the Privy Council, stating that they had asked the Commissioners to meet them to fix upon the price of necessaries for the garrisons, but that they did not expect that these officials would agree to their proposals. They had already had two meetings with these men with regard to supplying the garrisons with bedding and cooking utensils, but the meetings had been attended by very few of the commissioners, and the few who did appear had refused to fall in with the wishes of the Committee. The Commissioners again failed to answer the summons of the Committee to meet on March 12th, whereupon the Committee settled the matter by fixing for themselves a scale of prices, which they declared should be the standard rate until they gave further orders on the matter. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, March 11th, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) p 568. Wodrozv, vol. ii. p. 416. The prices fixed were: "Each staine of hay, two shilling; each threive of strae four shilling; the boll of oates fiftie shilling in Carrick and fyftie fyve shilling in Air; each boll of meall fyve merks; each boll of malt fyve poundes; each stone of beiff one pound ten shilling; each stone of pork one pound sextein shilling; each peck of French gray salt ten shillings; each peck of Scotts salt fyve shilling; each stone of butter two poundes eight shilling; each stone of cheise one pound four shilling; each doson of egges one shilling four penies; each pynt of milk one shilling; each hen four shilling and each mutton bouk two poundes Scottes."]

Meanwhile, as it became evident to those in authority that the men of the West were not to be coerced into signing the Bond, they became alarmed lest the ultimate result should be an exodus of the malignants from their own shires into Ireland and the North of England. Thus writing on March 3rd to Ormonde, Lord Granard says: "I expect that shoals of people from Scotland, and those not of the best principles, will land, for by what I can learn, multitudes of them (the Whigs) are so plundered by the highlanders that they have left their habitations and have not put plough in ground this year." [Historical MSS. Commission, Marquis of Ormonde (New Series), vol. iv. p. 126.] The Committee of the West, fearful in their turn lest any of the oppressed should escape, wrote to the Privy Council, asking them to take steps to guard against any evasion of the Bond by emigration from Scotland. On receiving this communication on March 15th, the Council responded by issuing a proclamation forbidding anyone to set sail for Ireland without having first procured a passport. [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series), pp. 397, 398. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 418.]

The Committee had now established their garrisons in the disaffected districts and had set up a regular machinery of coercion against malignants. Feeling, apparently, that they themselves could now afford to withdraw to some little distance from the very centre of strife, they held their last sederunt at Irvine on March 13th, and by the 19th were again in Glasgow. A contemporary view of the situation at this date is given by Dr. Hickes, who, writing from Edinburgh on the 19th to his friend, Dr. Patrick of Westminster Abbey, gives some account of particular matters connected with the work of the Host. Those who sought to enforce the Bond saw well that their task was to be by no means easy. " The Bond is to go through the whole kingdom, and through all the Privy Council, the Judges, Advocates, and all that bear office in any courts have taken it, yet it is like to meet with great opposition, and by no other reason, but for fear the schism be quite overcome, factious men should want an engine wherewith to trouble the Church and State. You cannot well imagine with what courage and firmness, and against what discouragements and oppositions my Lord hath hitherto acted; and now the business is near a crisis, for Duke Hamilton and the Earl of Cassels will neither take the bond, nor the lawburoughs . . . so that they must be proceeded against as suspicious persons, viz., be denounced the king's rebels, or outlaws, which will make a great deal of noise both in this kingdom and yours, but yet it must be done, for that Cabal is the serpent's head. Welsh hath solemnly excommunicated all the gentlemen of the West who have taken the bond, which hath much offended many of them that were his followers before." ['Historical MSS. Commission, -Report XIII., Appendix ii. p. 48.]

By March asst, Hickes was convinced that matters had reached a crisis. He had learned that Major-General Drummond and Lord Melvin were already in London, complaining on behalf of the "Cabal" of oppression and arbitrary government. "This combination," he writes, "is `Morientis bestiae ultimus conatus,' and if His Majesty hearken not to these malcontents, and fanatical patriots, but send them home, the schism is suppressed at least for an age; but if he encourages them, it will for ever be in vain to attempt anything against the schismatics here, but this Church must be swallowed up and then ours.

"I am very jealous they have underhand encouragement from England, especially from the popish party: a few days will discover the truth. Pray be vigilant andmake enquiry, but tell not the contents of this letter but to special and well affected friends. I am sure they can say nothing against the proceedings of the Council unless they prevaricate, or lie, which I doubt not but they will do, having already represented as if the administration of affairs here were arbitrary and tyrannical, and as if there had been nothing in the west but burnings, murders, robberies, rapes, and all sorts of devastations, because the auxiliaries were upon free quarter there.

"Things are now come to a crisis, and my Lord must either suffer in the defence of the Church, or triumph in the suppression of this damnable schism. He hath already conquered a great deal of opposition, and I hope God will bring him through all the rest.

"There is also at London one Major Wildrum, a very ungrateful, discontented man, who, I hear, makes very unworthy representations of things here. Had I acquaintance with any one parliament man of note, I would take the pains to write to him the whole state of affairs here, and deduce the story from -my Lord's first arrival to this moment; you are pretty well able to do it, especially if you have seen a certain paper, which I desired might be shewed you, and you will do good service to God and the Church, to endeavour to disabuse the world, and confute these lying reports, as much as you can." [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XIII., Appendix ii. P. 49.]

By March 23rd, Hickes was confident that the surmise of his previous letter was correct—"I told you in my last letter," he writes, "that the heads of our faction were hasting to London to complain to the King and solicit the Parliament. We are now sure of it, for it was the result of a meeting they had here about three weeks since, and they were the more encouraged because they found the Parliament disposed to question the ministers, who advised the King to make such an answer to the Parliament last May, etc., in which they think my Lord is specially aimed at.

"Since my last, the Earl of Cassels is gone up, and they say, Duke Hamilton, and some of our fanatical lawyers will not be long behind. You may be sure the Privy Council will send some up after them to rectify the misrepresentations which they will make. And I hope the Church will send up some wise Bishop, and, if my Lord would spare me, I should be glad to come up myself. We are told here, I should have said, 'tis the report, that these men are encouraged to complain by the great Roman Catholics about the Court. I wish you would endeavour to satisfy yourself if any great person of that persuasion favour them, for the course the Council have taken tending to the establishment of the Church, and the utter subversion of the pestilent schism. I am a little jealous the popish patriots may oppose their proceedings, though this is nothing but my own surmise. However, if His Majesty be persuaded to hearken to them, and so much as check the Council, and stop their proceedings, farewell the Church, and the royal authority for ever in the land.

"Pray also be as diligent as your time will let you be in disabusing the world, and discrediting the stories they will raise, and let me know what their chief complaints are. The service you can do us will be done for as good a cause, and in the defence of as true a friend to the Church, as ever was since the Reformation. I forgot to tell you that most of these men are either relations or correspondents of Gilbert Burnet's, or both." [Historical MSS. Commission, Report XIII., Appendix ii. p. 49.]

The scene of conflict had thus, to a certain extent, been removed from Ayrshire to the court of Charles in London. Undeterred, however, by the war of plot and counterplot now being fought out at Court between the representatives of the two parties, the Committee still continued its work in the West, where the work of establishing garrisons still occupied its attention. The house of Blairquhan had been found to be in a ruinous state and altogether unsuitable as a place for a garrison, while the Committee were also of opinion that it would be much more convenient now to have the soldiers located as near as possible to a seat of fresh disorder near the house of Kinlichin, the residence of the laird of Carleton. This being the fittest house in the district, the garrison were removed to it. As the laird had signed the Bond, however, the major-general was warned that he was to be saved all trouble and expense, and that it was to be made clear to him that his house was "at this time required for the king's service," and that he was merely asked to render the State a favour. [Register Privy Council of Scotland, March 21st, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) PP. 576, 577.]

At this same sederunt it was brought before the Committee that serious disorder was caused by the fact that in the houses of several gentlemen and noblemen in the West, chaplains not licensed by the Bishop, as required by law, were maintained, some of them being in attendance on children as tutors. It was accordingly resolved that this should be communicated to the Council, so that an end might be put to this state of affairs. [Ibid. P. 577.]

Meanwhile, the main body of Highlanders were on their homeward march. They were not suffered, however, to return without molestation from the country people whom their conduct had exasperated so much. On March 22nd, the Earl of Caithness sent in a report concerning the killing of one of his Highlanders and the wounding of several others by "a multitude of people convocat in armies" at Campsie. [Ibid. March 22nd, 1678, P. 578.] The militiaman thus killed was a certain Alexander WGregor from Breadalbane, his assailant being one of the name of Brash, who, although made prisoner and taken for trial to Edinburgh, does not seem to have suffered punishment for the deed. [Ibid. PP. 579, 580. A Military History of Perthshire, edited by Marchioness of Tullibardine, vol. i. p. 114. Kirkton, p. 39.]

The incident was thus represented by the Committee to the Privy Council: "Wee have only to represent that some of the kinges sojers under the comand of the Earle of Caithnes, being upon their way homwardes by our warrand, and being in the parish of Campsie, wee are informed that some hundreds of people in that parish and ythrs adjacent did convocat themselves in armes and without any provocation did invade and assault them, killed one and wounded diverse uthrs of them, whereupon wee have appointed a citation to be direct agst those guilty of that ryot." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, March 22nd, 1678, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 408.]

In the letter in which this was written to the Council, complaint was also made against a certain Mr. John Law, since the revolution one of the ministers of Edinburgh, for whom a meeting-house had been built by the heritors of this same parish of Campsie, and who had kept conventicles for several years past, [Ibid. Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 418.] while a request was also entered to the Council on behalf of the Earl of Strathmore's regiment of Angus Militia. It was represented that this regiment had now been so long on service that their shoes were quite worn out; 320 pairs of shoes had been delivered in addition to those already supplied to the Highlanders, 650 more pairs would suffice for the needs of the regiment; without them, indeed, they would not be able to march home. It was recommended that these men should be thus supplied, especially since they had been "very steadfast in their duty and the service for which they came." The Council approved of this by letter dated March 27th, and Warrant to make the shoes was given to the Provost of Glasgow on March 29th.

On March 31st, the Committee gave it as their opinion that the Earl of Strathmore's regiment of foot Militia and troop of horse, and the troop under the command of the Earl of Airlie should now be dismissed "with thankes from ye Council!," particular instructions being given them regarding their homeward route and quarters on the way " which will be a preparation for ye maners of the return of yrs as the yT8 shall have live hereafter." [Register Privy Council, Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 417.] Meanwhile, the remaining portion of the Host, thus left in the West, formed a force sufficient to enable the Privy Council to maintain the military occupation of the disaffected country.

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