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Sketches of The Character, Manners, and Present State of the Highlanders of Scotland

Part III

Military Annals of the Highland Regiments

Section II

Flanders—Fontenoy 1745—The Regiment cover the Retreat of the Army after the Battle—England—Prestonpans 1745—Coast of France 1746—Ireland—Flanders 1747—Ireland 1748—Character.

The regiment was soon restored to order, and, towards the end of May, embarked for Flanders, where it joined the army under the command of Field-Marshal the Earl of Stair. Unfortunately, it arrived too late to be present at the battle of Dettingen; but although the men had not then an opportunity of showing themselves good soldiers in the field, all the accounts agree that, by their conduct, they proved themselves decent and orderly in quarters. "That regiment (Sempill's Highlanders) was judged the most trust-worthy guard of property, insomuch that the people in Flanders chose to have them always for their protection. Seldom was any of them drunk, and they as rarely swore. And the Elector Palatine wrote to his envoy in London, desiring him to thank the King of Great Britain for the excellent behaviour of the regiment while in his territories in 1743 and 1744; 'and for whose sake,' he adds, 'I will always pay a respect and regard to a Scotchman in future.'" [Dr Doddridge's Life of Colonel Gardiner. London, 1749.]

The regiment was not engaged in active service during the whole of 1743 and 1744, but was quartered in different parts of the country, where it continued to maintain the same character. By several private letters written at that period from the Continent, it appears, that they had gained the good opinion and entire confidence of the inhabitants, who expressed their anxious desire to have a Highland soldier quartered in each of their houses, "as these men were not only quiet, kind, and domestic, but served as a protection against the rudeness of others."

In April 1745, Lord Sempill, being appointed to the 25th regiment, was succeeded, as colonel of the Highlanders, by Lord John Murray, son of the Duke of Atholl.

The season was now well advanced, and the King of France, with the Dauphin, had joined his army in Flanders, under the command of Marshal Count Saxe, who, having been strongly reinforced, determined to open the campaign by laying siege to Tournay, then garrisoned by eight thousand men, under General Baron Dorth. Early in May, the Duke of Cumberland arrived from England, and assumed the command of the allied army, which consisted of twenty battalions and twenty-six squadrons of British, five battalions and sixteen squadrons of Hanoverians, all under the immediate command of his Royal Highness; twenty-six battalions and forty squadrons of Dutch, under the command of the Prince of Waldeck; and eight squadrons of Austrians, under Field-Marshal Konigseg.

With this force the allied generals resolved to raise the siege of Tournay, before which the French had broken ground on the 30th of April. The French army was more numerous, but the whole of their force could not be brought forward, as large detachments were left in front of Tournay and other places. Marshal Saxe was soon aware of the intention of the Allies, and prepared to receive them. He drew up his line of battle on the right bank of the Scheldt, extending from the wood of Barri to Fontenoy, and thence to the village of St Antoine. Entrenchments were thrown up at both these places, besides three redoubts in the intermediate space, and two at the corner of the wood of Barri, whence a deep ravine extended as far as Fontenoy, and another from that village to St Antoine. A double line of infantry in front, and cavalry in the rear, occupied the whole space from the wood to St Antoine, while an additional force of cavalry and infantry was posted behind the redoubts and batteries. A battery was also erected on the other side of the river, opposite to St Antoine. The artillery, which was very numerous, was distributed along the line, and in the village and redoubts.

Such was the position pitched upon by Marshal Saxe to receive the Allies, who moved forward on the 9th of May, and encamped between the villages of Bougries and Moubray, at a short distance from the outposts of the enemy. On the evening of that day, the Duke went out and reconnoitred the position chosen by the French general. The Highland regiment was ordered to the advanced post, "when his Royal Highness, with Field-Marshal Konigseg and the Prince of Waldeck, went out to reconnoitre, covered by the Highlanders, who kept up a sharp fire with the grassins [Sharpshooters] concealed in the woods. After this service was performed, Lord Crawford, being left in command of the advance of the army, proceeded with the Highlanders and a party of hussars to examine the outposts more narrowly. In the course of this duty, a Highlander in advance, observing that one of the grassins repeatedly fired at his post, placed his bonnet upon the top of a stick, near the verge of a hollow road. This stratagem decoyed the Frenchman; and while he was intent on his object, the Highlander, approaching cautiously to a point which afforded a sure aim, succeeded in bringing him to the ground." [Rolt's Life of the Earl of Craufurd.]

Whilst the allied generals were thus employed, it was found that the plain between their position and that of the French camp, was covered with some flying squadrons of the enemy, and that their outposts likewise commanded certain narrow defiles, through which the allied forces must march to attack the besieging army. It became, of course, necessary to disperse these squadrons, and to dislodge the outposts. As this service could not be attempted at so late an hour in the evening, it was postponed until an early hour next morning, when six battalions and twelve squadrons were ordered to scour the plain, and clear the defiles. In this detachment was included a party of the Highlanders, who, consequently, for the first time, saw the face, and stood the fire of the enemy in a regular body. To the conduct of these Highlanders, in this their noviciate in the field, we have the following testimony: "A party of Highlanders was selected to support some Austrian hussars, hotly pressed by the French light troops, who were quickly repulsed with loss; and the Highlanders were taken great notice of for their spirited conduct." [History of the War.]

The plain being cleared, and the French outposts driven in, the Commander-in-chief of the allied army rode over it, and having examined the ground between the respective camps, made his dispositions for attacking the enemy next morning. The British and Hanoverian infantry were formed in two lines opposite the space between Fontenoy and the wood of Barri, with their cavalry in the rear. The right of the Dutch was posted near the left of the Hanoverians, and their left towards St Antoine, fronting that place and the redoubts between it and Fontenoy.

These arrangements being completed, his Royal Highness moved forward at two o'clock in the morning of the 11th of May, and drew up his army in the above order, in front of the enemy. Previously to the general engagement, the Duke ordered an attack on a redoubt advanced on the right of the wood, occupied by 600 men. This operation took place about four in the morning, "when the Guards and Highlanders began the battle, and attacked a body of French near Vizou, in the vicinity of which place the Dauphin was posted. Though they were entrenched breast-high, the Guards with bayonets, and the Highlanders with sword, pistol, and dirk, forced them out, killing a considerable number." [History of the War]

Thus successful in the commencement, the British and Hanoverians advanced to the attack, and, after a severe contest, in which every inch of ground was disputed, they drove the enemy back on their entrenchments. During this operation, the Dutch on the left attacked Fontenoy, but without success. The army suffering exceedingly from the batteries, which kept up an incessant fire, the Duke of Cumberland detached a body of infantry to occupy the wood of Barri, and drive the enemy from that redoubt. The Highlanders formed part of this detachment; but, owing to a mistake in delivering the orders, or a misconception on the part of Brigadier-General Ingoldsby, and the loss of Lieutenant-General Sir James Campbell of Lawers, who was mortally wounded, this attack did not take place. Immediately afterwards his Royal Highness ordered Lord Sempill's regiment away to assist in the attack on the village, which still held out against the Dutch, who had failed in every attempt. Notwithstanding these untoward circumstances, the Duke determined to attempt the passage of the ravine between the redoubts and the village. When the British had advanced beyond this ravine, the ground between the wood and Fontenoy being insufficient for the whole to form in line, the flanks wheeled back on their right and left, and then facing towards their proper front, moved forward, along with the centre; thus forming the three sides of a hollow square. While the whole were pushing forward in this order, the French infantry made three desperate attacks, supported by the cavalry, who attempted to charge, and avail themselves of the impression made by the infantry. They were repulsed, however, in every charge, though assisted by a tremendous cannonade from the redoubts, the batteries in the wood and on the opposite bank of the Scheldt, and from the villages which still remained in possession of the enemy. [Indeed, the fire from two of the redoubts was latterly more noisy than dangerous; for the shot being expended, they only fired powder. From the noise and confusion, the deception was not discovered. Though the cannonade from these redoubts was so harmless, they kept up such a rapid and continued fire, that they appeared to be the most active and efficient of the whole.]

The previous arrangements of Marshal Saxe were most judicious, and his movements well supported by the batteries, which could all bear on the English line when advanced beyond the ravine.

These attacks lasted several hours. The English, although suffering severely, were always gaining ground in advance of the front line of the redoubts. Marshal Saxe, perceiving that no decisive effect was produced, and that, while he was losing his bravest men, the English were gaining upon him, became anxious for the result, and sent notice to the King of France that it was necessary to retire farther from danger. He resolved, however, to make one desperate attack, with every arm which he could bring to bear on the British, who had now advanced so far beyond the confined ground as to be able to form the greatest part of the army into line. He quitted a litter, in which he had been carried the whole day, being much reduced by long-continued disease (a dropsy far advanced), and mounting on horseback, two men supporting him on each side as he rode, he brought up the household troops of the King of France: his best cavalry were posted on the flanks, and the flower of the infantry, with the King's body guards, in the centre. He also brought forward all his field-pieces, and, under cover of their fire and that of the batteries, he made a combined charge of cavalry and infantry on the English line. This united attack was irresistible. The British were forced to give way, and were driven back across the ravine. The Highlanders who had been ordered up from the attack of the village, and two other regiments ordered from the reserve to support the line, were borne down by the retreating body, and retired along with them. The whole rallied beyond the ravine, and after some delay, the Duke determined on a final retreat, directing that the Highlanders and Howard's (the 19th) regiment should cover the rear of the retreating army, and check the advance of the enemy, who pursued the moment the retreat commenced. The Dutch and Hanoverians retired at the same time.

A great military error seems to have been committed in advancing so far while the fortified villages and redoubts remained in possession of the enemy. On the other hand, Marshal Saxe had not strengthened with sufficient care the ravine, or space between Fontenoy and the wood of Barri. This oversight had nearly lost him the battle; for if the village had been taken by the Dutch (to whom this duty was intrusted), before the British forced their way through the ravine, their flanks would not have suffered. Indeed, the enemy could not have maintained their ground had their own guns been turned upon them. Marshal Saxe, in his account of the battle, says, "The truth is, I did not suppose that any general would be so hardy as to venture to make his way through in that place." In this opinion he paid a handsome compliment to the troops who penetrated a defile which this able master of the art of war thought so impracticable, that he neglected the defences which were afterwards found necessary, and for which he had had full time, as he was three days in the position previous to the attack.

A battle of such importance, with a result so unfortunate, occasioned, as may be imagined, much discussion both in public and in private, and gave rise to numerous pamphlets and publications. I shall adduce such parts of the correspondence of persons present as will, in some manner, show what part the Highlanders bore in the battle. As it was the first in which the regiment had encountered an enemy, the attention of many was directed towards them. Some were suspicious of their conduct in the service of a king to whose authority they were supposed to be adverse. [This impression was so strong in some high quarters, that, on the rapid charges made by the Highlanders, when pushing forward sword in hand nearly at full speed, and advancing so far, it was suggested that they inclined to change sides and join the enemy, who had already three brigades of Scotch and Irish engaged, which performed very important services on that day.] Others, again, anxious for the honour and military fame of Scotland, rejoiced in this opportunity of putting them to the test, and of showing that, opposed to a common enemy, they would well sustain the honour of their country. Captain John Munro [This gentleman was promoted the same year, in a manner somewhat startling to our present ideas of strict regard to justice, precedency, and length of service. Although there were a major and three captains senior to him in the regiment, he was appointed lieutenant-colonel in room of Sir Robert Munro, and continued in this situation, till succeeded, in 1749, by the late Duke of Argyll, then Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, on the half-pay of Lord Loudon's Highlanders. I have not been able to discover if this promotion, from the command of a company to that of a regiment, was a reward for any marked good conduct in this battle, in which it appears he commanded the regiment, in their more rapid movements, immediately under Sir Robert Munro, who, from his extreme corpulency, and being on foot, could not move with the rapidity sometimes necessary.] of Lord John Murray's Highlanders, (as they were now called), in a letter to his friend, President Forbes of Culloden, says, "While things were going on in this manner, the left did not succeed so well, and in a short time we were ordered to cross the field, and attack (our regiment I mean, for the rest of the brigade did not march to this attack) the village of Fontenoy. As we passed the field, the French batteries played upon our right and left flanks, but to little purpose, for their batteries being on a rising ground, their balls flew over us, and struck the second line. We were to support the Dutch, who, in their usual way, were very dilatory. We were obliged to wait (covering ourselves from the fire) for the Dutch, who, when they came up, behaved so and so. In the course of an hour, the Dutch gave way, and Sir Robert Munro thought we should retire, for we had the whole batteries of the enemy's line playing upon us. We retired, but had not marched fifty yards when we had orders to return and support the Hanoverians, who were at this time advancing on the batteries on the left. They behaved most gallantly and bravely, and had the Dutch taken example by them, we had supped at Tournay.

"By two o'clock the whole retreated, and we were ordered to cover the retreat of the army, as the only regiment that could be kept to their duty. The Duke made so friendly a speech to us, that, if we had been ordered to attack their lines afresh, our poor fellows would have done it." [Culloden Papers]

In the official account of this battle, it is stated, that, "after several other attempts with more or less success, and after the Austrians and Dutch had failed in their attack, it was resolved by the Duke of Cumberland, Prince Waldeck, and the Field Marshal, that the whole army should retire, and the commanding officers of General Howard's (19th regiment), and of the Highlanders, were ordered to put themselves in readiness to cover the retreat, which was made in great order; the two battalions fronting and forcing back the enemy at every hundred paces." [Official Dispatches]

Such confidence in the steadiness of a new regiment, in its first encounter with an enemy, is not common. The first in the attack, they were also the last in the retreat, and, together with another corps, successfully resisted all the attacks of the pursuing enemy, who, elated with success, were consequently the more ardent and enterprising.

The Highlanders were fortunate in being commanded on that day by a man of talents, presence of mind, and a thorough knowledge of his men.

[Colonel Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis, Baronet, chief of his name and clan, fee 24th in regular descent from father to son of his family, and member in several Parliaments for the county of Ross. He served in the latter part of King William's reign, and in Queen Anne's wars, under the Duke of Marlborough, by whom he was appointed to a company in the Scotch Royals in 1712; and in 1714 he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. In 1739, he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the new Highland Regiment. Lord Craufurd, the Colonel, being abroad, the discipline was conducted by the Lieutenant-Colonel,—in what manner, and with what success, may be judged from the behaviour of the regiment at Fontenoy. On this account he was promoted to the command of the 37th regiment in room of General Ponsonby, who was killed that day.

He commanded his new regiment at the battle of Falkirk, in January 1746; but on this occasion he was not supported by his men as he had been at Fontenoy, for they fled on the first charge of the rebels. Colonel Munro, disdaining to fly, was cut down, and his brother, Doctor Munro, who was present, seeing his situation, ran forward to support him, and shared the same fate. He was buried the following day with the homage due to so honourable a man, and so gallant a soldier; all the rebel officers, and crowds of the men attending his funeral, anxious to show the last mark of respect to a man whom, notwithstanding the difference of their political principles, they so much esteemed.

His family was unfortunate this year. His brother, Captain George Munro of Culcairn, who had retired from the Highland regiment in the year 1744, raised a company in 1745 for the King's service, and put himself under the command of Lord Loudon. Marching with a party of men along the side of Loch Arkaig, in Lochaber, he was shot by a Highlander, whose house had been burned, his cattle plundered, and his son killed defending his family, who were turned out in the snow. Thus fell three brothers within a few months. Culcairn's death was the more lamented, as he was not the victim intended. The officer whom the Highlander had marked for destruction, as the author of this inhuman outrage on bis innocent family, wore a cloak of a particular kind. Riding with Culcairn in a shower of rain, he gave him the cloak, and passed the Highlander, who laying in wait for his enemy, perceived the cloak but not the difference of person, and, taking a sure aim, Culcairn fell dead from his horse. It is a curious circumstance, that the man was never apprehended or punished, although he was well known, and made no secret of the business. This gentleman's death occasioned the more observation and concern, as it was the only instance of revenge, or murder in cold blood, that occurred during the whole progress of the insurrection; if that can be called cold blood where a man had his son killed, the rest of his children and his wife driven out upon the snow, and his house and property burnt and destroyed—sufficient motives for kindling a spirit of retaliation in the coldest blood. With this exception, however, all opposition was in the open field, or what is considered fair military warfare.

Colonel Grant of Moy, who died in April 1822, in his 90th year, was walking along the road with a gun on his shoulder when Culcairn was shot. A turn of the road concealed him from the soldiers at the moment; but when he came in sight with his gun, they immediately seized him upon suspicion, and carried him to Fort William. After a short confinement he was released. Colonel Grant entered the 42d as a volunteer, or soldier of fortune, and afterwards got a cadetship in India, from which he returned with a handsome fortune nearly fifty years ago.]

He knew the way of managing them to the best advantage,—a qualification of great moment to a leader of troops, and the neglect of which, in the choice of officers, has sometimes occasioned serious losses to the service. As there is no moral quality of higher importance to a corps, than that patriotic spirit which leads every individual to connect his own honour with that of his country, so the greatest care should be taken to cherish and propagate this spirit. A judicious selection of officers is one of the primary means to this important end, as, by the influence of their conduct and example, the character of the men will in a great measure be formed. There have been instances, in which national spirit and patriotic feelings have existed among troops for years, independently of example or influence from superiors; but such instances are rare and anomalous. General experience shows that the moral temperament, and indeed the mind that actuates a body of men, cannot be properly guided and cultivated without due qualifications on the part of their leader.

"The gallantry of Sir Robert Munro and his regiment at Fontenoy, was the theme of admiration through all Britain. He had obtained leave of the Duke of Cumberland to allow them to fight in their own way. Sir Robert, according to the usage of his countrymen, ordered the whole regiment to clap to the ground on receiving the French fire, and instantly after its discharge, they sprang up, and coming close to the enemy, poured in their shot upon them to the certain destruction of multitudes, and drove them precipitately through their own lines; then retreating drew up again, and attacked them a second time after the same manner. These attacks they repeated several times the same day, to the surprise of the whole army. Sir Robert was every where with his regiment, notwithstanding his great corpulency, and when in the trenches, he was hauled out by the legs and arms by his own men; and it is observed, that when he commanded the whole regiment to clap to the ground, he himself alone, with the colours behind him, stood upright receiving the whole fire of the enemy;

[At this period the celebrated Dr Adam Ferguson was chaplain to the Highland regiment. When the regiment was taking its ground on the morning of the battle, Sir Robert Munro perceived the chaplain in the ranks, and, with a friendly caution, told him there was no necessity for him to expose himself to danger, and that he ought to be out of the line of the fire. Mr Ferguson thanked Sir Robert for his friendly advice, but added, that, upon this occasion, he had a duty which he was imperiously called upon to perform. Accordingly, he continued with the regiment during the whole of the action, in the hottest of the fire, praying with the dying, attending to the wounded, and directing them to be carried to a place of safety. By his fearless zeal, his intrepidity, his friendship towards the soldiers (several of whom had been his school-fellows at Dunkeld), and his amiable and cheerful manners; by reproving them with severity when it was necessary, mixing among them with ease and familiarity, and being as ready as any of them with a poem or heroic tale,—he acquired an unbounded ascendancy over them. Such chaplains as Dr Ferguson are rarely to be met with; but as many pious and exemplary clergymen may be procured, it is matter of regret that this office has been lately dispensed with. It has been said, that chaplains were frequently men of immoral characters, who, by their profligate example, were more calculated to do evil than good. As this must have proceeded from an improper choice, it may be presumed that, if due precautions were observed, and the pay of chaplains increased in the same proportion as that of surgeons, pious, able, and learned men would enter an honourable service, where their incomes would render them independent, and where their religious and moral instructions, enforced by their own example, would influence the conduct, and prove highly beneficial to every rank under their charge.

This regiment was peculiarly fortunate in the choice of chaplains made for them by Lord John Murray, while he commanded. These were Dr Ferguson, Messieurs James and John Stewart for the two second battalions, raised in 1758 and 1780, and Mr Maclagan, afterwards minister of Blair Athole, than whom, perhaps, the Highlands of Scotland could not have produced a successor more worthy of Dr Ferguson, or a chaplain better qualified for the Highland regiment.]

and this, because, (as he said), though he could easily lie down, his great bulk would not suffer him to rise so quickly. His preservation that day was the surprise and astonishment, not only of the whole army, but of all that heard the particulars of the action; and a most eminent person in the army was heard to say upon the occasion, that it was enough to convince one of the truth of the doctrine of predestination, and to justify what King William, of glorious memory, had been used to say, that every bullet has its billet, or its particular direction and commission where it should lodge." [Doddridge's Life of Colonel Gardiner.]

One consequence of the mode of attack here described was (what every good commander must earnestly wish and endeavour by all possible means to effect) a great preservation of the lives of the troops; for the loss was trifling, considering how actively the regiment was engaged. What impression their mode of fighting made on the enemy, we may judge from an account of the battle published at Paris a few days after it happened. After detailing the previous events of the day in a clear and candid manner, the writer proceeds: "It must be owned, that our forces were thrice obliged to give way, and nothing but the good conduct and extreme calmness of Marshal Saxe could have brought them to the charge the last time, which was about two o'clock, when the Allies in their turn gave way. Our victory may be said to be complete; but it cannot be denied that, as the Allies behaved extremely well, more especially the English, so they made a soldier-like retreat, which was much favoured by an adjacent wood. The British behaved well, and could be exceeded in ardour by none but our officers, who animated the troops by their example, when the Highland furies rushed in upon us with more violence than ever did a sea driven by a tempest. I cannot say much of the other auxiliaries, some of whom looked as if they had no great concern in the matter which way it went. In short, we gained the victory; but may I never see such another!" [Published at Paris, 26th of May 1745.]

The command of the troops covering the retreat was intrusted to Lord Crawfurd, who "conducted the retreat in excellent order till his troops came to the Pass, when he ordered them to file off from the right. He then pulled off his hat, and returning them thanks, said, that they had acquired as much honour in covering so great a retreat, as if they had gained a battle." [Rolt's Life of the Earl of Craufurd.] Such approbation must be consolatory to a soldier after sustaining a defeat, and to the Highlanders it must have been peculiarly satisfactory, coming from a man who knew them so well as their late colonel did, and whom they so highly honoured for his chivalrous and heroic spirit.

In a battle, where the combatants on both sides were so numerous, the struggle so obstinate and the carnage so considerable, many instances of individual bravery and good conduct must have occurred. Tradition has preserved many anecdotes, the recital of which might still be interesting. Having already quoted, perhaps too liberally, I shall confine myself to the mention of one additional circumstance taken from a pamphlet of that day.

In this pamphlet, entitled, "The Conduct of the Officers at Fontenoy considered," speaking of the exertions of the Duke of Cumberland, the author says, that his Royal Highness was "every where, and could not, without being on the spot, have cheered the Highlander, who with his broad sword killed nine men, and making a stroke at the tenth, had his arm shot off, by a promise of something better than the arm, he (the Duke) saw drop from him." [On this occasion the Duke of Cumberland was so much struck with the conduct of the Highlanders, and concurred so cordially in the esteem which they had secured to themselves both from friends and foes, that, wishing to show a mark of his approbation, he desired it to be intimated to them, that he would be happy to grant the men any favour which they chose to ask, and which he could concede, as a testimony of the good opinion he had formed of them. The reply was worthy of so handsome an offer. After expressing acknowledgments for the condescension of the commander-in-chief, the men assured him that no favour he could bestow would gratify them so much, as a pardon for one of their comrades, a soldier of the regiment, who had been tried by a court-martial for allowing a prisoner to escape, and was under sentence of a heavy corporal punishment, which if inflicted, would bring disgrace on them all, and on their families and country. This favour, of course, was instantly granted. The nature of this request, the feeling which suggested it, and, in short, the general qualities of the corps, struck the Duke with the more force, as, at that time, he had not been in Scotland, and had no means of knowing the character of its inhabitants, unless, indeed, he had formed his opinion from the common ribaldry of the times, when it was the fashion to consider the Highlander " as a fierce and savage depredator, speaking a barbarous language, and inhabiting a barren and gloomy region, which fear and prudence forbade all strangers to enter."]

The Highlanders lost Captain John Campbell of Carrick, [Captain John Campbell of Carrick was one of the most accomplished gentlemen of his day. Possessing very agreeable manners, and bravery, tempered by gaiety, he was regarded by the people as one of those who retained the chivalrous spirit of their ancestors, A poet, a soldier, and a gentleman, no less gallant among the ladies then he was brave among men, he was the object of general admiration; and the last generation of Highlanders among whom he was best known, took great pleasure in cherishing his memory, and repeating anecdotes concerning him. He married a sister of General Campbell of Mamore, afterwards Duke of Argyll, and grandfather to the present Duke.] Ensign Lachlane Campbell son of Craignish, and 30 men, Captain Robert Campbell of Finab, Ensigns Ronald Campbell nephew of Craignish, and James Campbell, son of Glenfalloch, 2 sergeants, and 86 rank and file, wounded.

If we consider how actively this corps was engaged in various parts of the field on the preceding evening, and during the whole of this hard fought contest,—having been employed first by the Commander-in-chief, and then by Lord Craufurd, to support and cover him when reconnoitring,—early engaged at the first point of attack next morning, then ordered to the assault of a second strong position,—called away from thence to the support, first of the Dutch, and then of the Hanoverians,—and previously to the last struggle, brought from the left with other troops to support the line immediately before it gave way; and, at length, when the conflict was decided, chosen, along with another regiment, to cover the army in its retreat,—in short, having been placed in every situation of difficulty or danger,—the small loss sustained in killed and wounded must be matter of surprise. It can be accounted for only by their mode of advancing against the enemy, a circumstance well worthy of the notice of all soldiers, as it shows, that, if a body of men push forward firmly and expeditiously to an attack, the loss will be smaller, and the chance of success more certain, how strong so ever the position to be attacked, or the resistance to be expected; and that delay or hesitation in assailing an enemy only tends to increase the advantage which they may already possess from superiority of number or strength of position. Hence it appears that, though some of the allies, as the French account states, "looked as if they had no concern in the matter," and, as we learn from another account, "were very dilatory, and behaved so and so," [The cautious and circumspect conduct of a certain commander of the allied army, upon this occasion, called forth the ridicule of his friends, an procured him the jocular appellation of the Confectioner. Being asked why he did not move forward to the front with more rapidity, he replied, "I am preserving my men."
Sir Robert Munro also "preserved" his men; but his preservation did not consist in keeping them in the rear when they ought to have been in the front and close to the enemy.] their loss was fully proportionate to that of the British, who sustained the brunt of the action.

In support of the opinion which I have ventured to form on so important a subject, I may advert to an occurrence at Fontenoy, in which the loss sustained by two regiments was as opposite as their situations and duties in the course o the battle. Brigadier-General Ingoldsby having been accused of neglecting to obey an order to advance with his brigade to attack a battery early in the action, published vindication of his conduct, denying that he had ever received any orders to advance at the moment in question, and stating, that he had so many contradictory orders, that he knew not which to obey. He observes, that, "after his Royal Highness had ordered Sempill's Highlanders away from his brigade to the attack of the village, he continued at the head of Duroure's regiment, (the 12th,) within 150 paces of the redoubt, from which he was exposed to a continued fire from the beginning of the action, which the loss of that regiment will make appear." The loss of this regiment, which remained so long stationary, we accordingly find, beyond all proportion greater than that of the Highlanders, whose situation was the very reverse. The loss of Duroure's was 6 officers, 5 sergeants, 148 privates, killed; 10 officers, 7 sergeants, 142 privates wounded; whereas the loss of the Highland regiment, as already stated, was only 2 officers, 30 privates, killed ; 3 officers, 2 sergeants and 86 privates, wounded. When we consider the different circumstances in which the two regiments were placed, this appears a remarkable disproportion.

Impetuosity on one side is apt to paralyze resistance on the other, and, if attacked "by furies rushing in upon them with more violence than ever did a sea driven by a tempest," an enemy may have their nerves somewhat disordered by the shock; and, while the arm is rendered unsteady, the aim cannot be correct, or the fire effectual.

[I once got a very natural answer on this subject from an Indian, or Carrib of St Vincent's. It was said that these people were such expert marksmen, that, with a common gun, they could shoot a dollar off the cork of a quart bottle, and perform other feats equally remarkable. This expertness and steadiness of aim, however, deserted them when a skirmishing warfare was waged against them in the woods of St Vincent in 1796. In these skirmishes, except when concealed behind trees or rocks, they were found to be very indifferent marksmen. Being at that time in the island, and wishing to ascertain the truth of what was so much talked of, I on one occasion gave a loaded musket to a Carrib prisoner, desiring him to fire at an orange on the mouth of a bottle, at the distance of 200 yards. On the first attempt he missed, on the second he broke the bottle, and the third time he hit the orange. I then asked him why he did not mark so well against the soldiers as against the orange; "Massa," he replied, "the orange no gun or ball to shoot me back; no run at me with bayonet."]

If, on the contrary, an enemy approach with a hesitating caution, indicating rather the fear of defeat than the animating hope of victory, or a resolute determination to conquer, it will inspire confidence in the adverse party, and confidence naturally producing steadiness, successful resistance may be expected.
Such was the battle of Fontenoy, and such were the facts from which a very favourable opinion was formed of the military qualifications of the Black Watch, as it was still called in Scotland. [At this period there was not a soldier in the regiment born south of the Grampians.]

The regiment having sustained so moderate a loss in this battle, and having still nearly nine hundred men fit for service, was soon called out again, and detached, with a body of Dutch cavalry and grenadiers, on a particular service, under the command of General Hawley. This was soon accomplished, as the enemy, who had made demonstrations of descending in great force in the neighbourhood of Halle, retired without making any resistance, and sooner than was expected. On the return of this detachment to head-quarters it was said, that, "in the last day's march of thirty-eight miles, in a deep sandy road, it was observed, that the Dutch grenadiers and cavalry were overpowered with the heat and fatigue, but that not one man of the Highlanders was left behind."

The 43d regiment was one of eleven ordered for England in October 1745, in consequence of the Rebellion. They arrived in the River Thames on the 4th of November, and joined a division of the army assembled on the coast of Kent, to repel a threatened invasion; while the other regiments which had arrived from Flanders were ordered to Scotland under the command of General Hawley.

The Highlanders were exempted from this northern service. Without attempting to throw any doubt on their loyalty, a duty that would have called men to oppose\ their brothers and nearest connections and friends in the field of battle, would have occasioned a struggle, between affection and duty, more severe than any in which they could have been employed against the most resolute enemy. How painful such a struggle must have been may be judged from this circumstance,—that on a minute inquiry, in different parts of the country, I have good reason to believe that more than three hundred of the soldiers had fathers and brothers engaged in the Rebellion.

Early in the year 1745 three new companies were raised and added to the regiment. The command of these was given to the gentlemen who recruited the men,—the Laird of Mackintosh, Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inveraw. The subalterns were James Farquharson, the younger of Invercauld, John Campbell, the younger of Glenlyon,

[This gentleman's younger brother joined the rebels, and fought in all their battles. He was quite a youth, and was sent by his father to encourage his men, being at the same time under the control and guidance of an adherent and descendant of the family, a man of judgment and mature years. (He was the father of John Campbell, the soldier of the Highland Watch, who along with Gregor Macgregor, was presented to King George II., promoted to an Ensigncy for his conduct at the recent battle of Fontenoy, and afterwards killed at Ticonderoga, being among the first of the resolute men who forced their way into the work. While the son thus distinguished himself among so many gallant men at Fontenoy, the father was equally conspicuous at Cullo-den, where he was desperately wounded in the sword-arm in a personal rencounter with a cavalry officer. He seized his sword with his left hand, and making a cut at the officer's thigh, unhorsed him. Mr Campbell was an old man, and had been out in 1715. He was grandfather to Colonel Sir Archibald Campbell, Brigadier-general in the Portuguese service, whose father, Lieutenant Archibald Campbell, was in the 42d regiment, and wounded at Ti-conderoga, where his brother was killed.) Old Glenlyon, who commanded Lord Breadalbane's men, had joined the rebellion of 1715, and still retained his attachments and principles so strongly, that he never forgave his eldest son for entering the army. When the young man came to visit him in his last sickness, in the year 1746, he refused to see him. After his father's death, in the autumn of that year, he was ordered with a party of men, to garrison his own house, and to perform the usual duties of seizing rebels, of whom numbers were in concealment in the woods and caves in the neighbourhood. His brother was, in this situation, hid in a deep den above Glenlyon House, and supplied with provisions and necessaries by his sisters and friends. On one occasion, owing to some interruption, he had not seen his sisters for two nights, and leaving his hiding-place rather too early in the evening of the third night, in the hope of seeing some of them, he was observed by his brother and some English officers, who were walking out. His brother, afraid of a discovery, pretending to give the alarm, directed the officers to call out the soldiers immediately, while he would keep the rebel in sight. He ran after him, and called out to his brother in Gaelic to run for his life, and take to the mountains. When the party made their appearance, no rebel could be seen, and the unfortunate outlaw was more careful in future. Ten years afterwards he was appointed to Fraser's Highland regiment, along with several others who had been engaged in the Rebellion, and was shot through the body at the battle of Quebec.]

and Dugald, Campbell, and Ensigns Allan Grant, son of Glenmoriston, John Campbell, son of Glenfalloch, and Allan Campbell, son of Barcaldine. These companies were recruited in different parts of the High-lands; but owing to the influence of Sir Patrick Murray, through the Atholl family, and that of the other gentlemen of Perthshire, Invercauld, Glenlyon, and Glenfalloch, a greater portion of the new levy consisted of men from the districts of Athole, Breadalbane, and Braemar, than was to be found in the original composition of the regiment. The privates of these companies, though of the best character, did not occupy that rank in society for which so many individuals of the independent companies had been distinguished. The new companies did not join the regiment immediately, but were employed in Scotland during the Rebellion. One of them was at the battle of Prestonpans, where all the officers, Sir Patrick Murray, Lieutenant Farquharson, and Ensign Allan Campbell, and the whole of the men, were either killed or taken prisoners.

It would appear that the Highland soldiers, in this engagement, had not the same good fortune, and probably did not manifest the same steady conduct as at Fontenoy, or in the different battles which they afterwards fought. In proof of this it may be mentioned, that the Honourable Captains Mackay and Stuart, brothers of Lord Reay and the Earl of Moray, Munro of Allan, and Macnab of Mac-nab, with all the subalterns and men, of four companies of Lord Loudon's Highlanders, shared the same fate with those of Lord John Murray's Highlanders; whereas, at Fontenoy, when the latter made more impetuous attacks, and resisted more violent charges, the loss was trifling in comparison. The difference of result has been accounted for, and, perhaps, with justice, from the different character of the troops to whom they were opposed.

In this latter battle, their antagonists were their former friends and countrymen, and their defence may consequently be supposed to have been less obstinate and determined. The royal army, to whom no suspicion of disloyalty could attach, suffered in the same manner as they did ; and it would be doing the Highlanders injustice to believe them, possessed of less loyalty or courage than those who experienced the same discomfiture and rout. Indeed, their loyalty and fidelity to the oath which they had taken was soon put to a severer proof than in the field of battle; for while they were prisoners, all entreaties, offers, and arguments, were used, and the whole influence of promises and threats employed to prevail upon them to forsake their colours, and join a cause in which so many of their kindred and countrymen had engaged. All these attempts to shake their allegiance proved unavailing; not one of them forgot his loyalty, or abjured his oath. In this respect, the conduct of the Black Watch formed a contrast to that of Loudon's men, of whom a considerable number joined the rebels. This difference of conduct in men, whose sentiments and feelings were supposed to be congenial, and who were placed in similar circumstances, was variously accounted for at the time; the prevailing opinion was, that Lord John Murray's men, having sworn to serve as a regular regiment, which had been several years embodied, felt more the obligations implied in the terms of their enlistment, than those of Lord Loudon's regiment, who had, very recently, entered into what they supposed only a kind of local and temporary service, on conditions of engagement which they considered as far less binding than those of a permanent regiment. Besides, in the case of Loudon's, the men had the example of their officers, several of whom joined the rebels,—a circumstance of great importance at that time, when the system of clanship, confidence, and attachment, remained unbroken.

The complete overthrow of well-disciplined and well-appointed troops by a body of men, half armed, strangers to war and discipline, and who, till that day, had never met an enemy, may be ascribed to the rapidity and vigour with which the Highlanders made their attacks, driving the front line of their adversaries on the second, and throwing both into such irretrievable confusion, that the second line was overpowered when mixed with the first, which attempted to retreat through its broken ranks.

The company of this regiment taken at Preston remained prisoners and inactive during the Rebellion, but the other two companies were employed in different parts of the Highlands, during the autumn and winter of 174.5 and 1746, on those duties for which they were so strongly recommended by the Lord President. [In the periodical publications of the day they are frequently mentioned. The Caledonian Mercury, of the 26th August 1745, states, "that Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Patrick Halket of Pitferran had been detached at the head of three companies of the Honourable Colonel Lee's regiment, preceded by the companies of Highlanders under the Lairds of Mackintosh and Inveraw, in order to advance up to the Highlands, and to obtain a proper account of what was passing there:" And it is farther stated, that " in September the Laird of Inveraw, with his company of Highlanders, marched from Perthshire to Inver-lochy. " In this manner they were employed for the season, but none of them was ever actually engaged with the enemy except the company at Prestonpans.]

After the suppression of the Rebellion, they were employed on a service which ought not to have been executed at all, or assigned to other agents. This was to execute a barbarous order, to burn the houses, and lay waste the lands and property of the rebels,—a species of military execution, where the innocent suffer equally with the guilty. It may easily be imagined, that in a country where rebellion had been so general, many cases would occur, in which the loyal officer, under orders to devastate the estates of his neighbours and friends, would find his allegiance at variance with his feelings.

[One of these duties fell to the lot of Captain John Menzies, father of Lady Abercromby. Castle Menzies was then the head-quarters of the troops in that district. Information had been received, that several gentlemen who were concealed in the woods and fastnesses, after the suppression of the Rebellion, were to assemble, on a certain night, in the house of Faskally, the proprietor of which, Mr Robertson, being one of the number " in hiding, " and all of them friends and relations of Captain Menzies. He was ordered to march at ten o'clock at night, and cross the mountains by an unfrequented route. The secrecy of the march, and the darkness of the night, prevented the usual communication of the movements of the military to those to whom such information was so necessary, and which, by the fidelity and active zeal of the people, seldom failed. But, in this case, it was not till the military were marching up the avenue to the house, that those within knew of their approach. It was' now daylight, and they had scarcely time to dash into a deep woody glen close to the house, and make their escape, when the troops were at the door. When the party returned, Captain Menzies sent a soldier (This soldier was Alexander Stewart, the follower of Rob Roy, mentioned in Appendix C.) forward to Comrie Castle, on the banks of the Lyon, where his father resided. When the old man saw the soldier on the opposite side of the river, and knowing where he had been, he eagerly called out, "Has my son seized upon any of his unfortunate friends?" When he was told they had all escaped, he pulled off his bonnet, and, with uplifted hands, exclaimed, " May God Almighty make me thankful for this mercy! My unfortunate son (unfortunate in being employed on such a duty) has not been the means of bringing these honourable men to the scaffold."

Such were those times when a father thought a son fortunate because he did not perform what would have been considered as an important piece of service. One of the gentlemen (James Robertson, Esq.) who were in Faskally House that night is still alive, (1819,) being the only survivor of 1500 men of Lord George Murray's Athole Highlanders "out" on that occasion.]

Instances of this occurred in Perthshire. Lieutenant Campbell of Glenlyon was obliged to burn the houses, and take away the horses, cattle, and sheep, on the estates of his neighbours, the Laird of Strowan, and other gentlemen who had been engaged in the Rebellion. Seven gentlemen's houses were plundered and burnt to the ground on that occasion, with many of the houses of the tenants who had never left their homes or joined the rebels.

These companies remained in Scotland till the year 1748, occasionally sending reinforcements of volunteers and recruits to the regiment. [In 1747, Lieutenant, afterwards General John Small, commanded a party stationed in Glenelg. In September he was ordered to apprehend Macdonell of Barrisdale, an active partisan in the rebellion. In this man's case there was exhibited a striking instance of the influence of that personal respect and attachment which so often guided the conduct of the Highlanders. Without an acre of land, and with no authority to command obedience, he being only a tenant to the Laird of Glengarry, but descended from an ancient race, long respected in the country, and possessed of affable manners, and a person remarkably graceful and portly, he could, at any time, command the services of 150 armed men, always ready to follow wherever he chose to lead them. Whether it was that he made an improper use of this influence, or from his activity in the rebellion, he was made to suffer an imprisonment of nine years in Edinburgh Castle; but he was at length released, and, after an imprisonment unexampled in duration in modern times, was appointed, in 1761, to a lieutenancy in General Graeme's, or the Queen's Highlanders, and died at Barrisdale in 1787. His brother, who had been appointed to Fraser's Highlanders, was killed on the heights of Abraham in 1759.]

Government having determined to send an expedition to North America, a body of troops, consisting of Lord John Murray's Highland regiment, and several others, under the command of General St Clair, embarked at Portsmouth for Cape Breton. They sailed on the 15th of June, but, being driven back by contrary winds, the troops were re-landed. On the 5th of August, the armament sailed a second time, under the command of Rear-Admiral Lestock. Again forced back by adverse winds, they made a third attempt on the 24th, and after reaching Portland, were once more driven back to Portsmouth. Their destination was now changed to a descent on the coast of France; and, accord-ingly, the army was reinforced by 2000 of the Foot Guards, and a strong detachment of Artillery. The land forces amounted to nearly 8000 men. While the Highland regiment lay at Portsmouth, it was joined by so large a detachment from the additional companies in Scotland, as to increase the battalion to 1100 men.

On the 15th of September the expedition sailed from Portsmouth, and on the 19th anchored at Quimperly Bay, Immediate preparations were made for landing, which was effected by the Grenadiers and Highlanders without much opposition. They immediately commenced operations against L'Orient, which they reached on the 24th, and on the evening of the following day one mortar battery, and two twelve gun batteries, were completed. On the 28th, the French made several sallies, in one of which they assumed a garb resembling that of the Highlanders, in expectation that, under this deception, their advance would not be interrupted. They accordingly approached close to the batteries before the deception was discovered, when they were saluted with a volley of grape shot, which drove them back with great precipitation, followed by those whose garb they had partly assumed. The firing, which had done considerable damage to the town, ceased in the evening, and secret preparations were made for a retreat, as the enemy were collecting in great force. This was accordingly carried into effect, and the troops re-embarked without interruption.

The expedition sailed from Quiberon, and formed itself into divisions, some of which sailed for England and some for Ireland. The Highlanders were destined for Cork, where they arrived "on Saturday the 4th November. Lord John Murray's regiment of Highlanders marched in there with his Lordship, the colonel, at their head, who, with the whole corps of officers and men, were dressed in the Highland dress." From that city they marched to Limerick, where they remained three months, and in February 1747 returned to Cork, where they embarked for the Downs, to join a large body of troops, assembled to reinforce the army in Flanders. The greater part of the troops that formed this reinforcement consisted of those who had been ordered from Flanders in consequence of the Rebellion. Lord Loudon's Highlanders, and a detachment from the additional companies of the Black Watch, joined this force, which sailed from Leith early in April 1747. [It is stated in the Caledonian Mercury of March 1747, that "Lieutenant John Campbell of Glenlyon, and Ensign John Grant of Glenmoriston, with a strong detachment from the additional companies of the Black Watch, sailed in the fleet for Flanders. When it was notified to the men that only a part of them was to join the army, all claimed the preference to be permitted to embark, and it was necessary to draw lots, as none would remain behind."]

The French having invaded Zealand and the adjoining part of Flanders, the first battalion of the Royals, Bragg's, and Lord John Murray's Highlanders, were ordered to Flushing, under the command of Major-General Fuller, and landing at Stopledyke on the 1st of May, were marched to the relief of Hulst, then closely besieged. The commandant of that place, General St Roque, ordered Bragg's and the Highlanders to halt within four miles, and sent the Royals to the Dutch camp of St Bergue, appointed to watch the movements of the enemy, but too weak to attack or dislodge them. They remained here till the evening of the 5th of May, when the French, having advanced almost under the pallisadoes, began the assault with great resolution, The out-guards and picquets were quickly forced back into the garrison, when the Dutch regiment of Thiery, which "had behaved well in the former assault, [The enemy made an attack on the 3d of May, when this regiment repulse-them with great gallantry.] marched out to oppose the attack, but were so disconcerted by the vigorous resolution of the enemy, that they gave way. On this the Royals advanced, regained what little ground was lost, repulsed the French in every attack, and maintained the post with the greatest bravery, till relieved by the Highland regiment, on whose coming up the French retired." [Hague Gazette.]

The loss of the Royals on this occasion was upwards of 90 killed, and more than 100 wounded. The loss of the Highlanders was trifling, being only five privates killed and a few wounded. The enemy, however, resolutely continued the siege, and erecting several new batteries on the sand-berg, on the morning of the 9th they opened the whole with great vigour on the town, which surrendered at three o'clock in the afternoon. This event was followed by the capitulation of the troops in Hulst, when Lord John Murray, who then commanded the British regiments, marched to Wellshorden, where they were joined by the Duke of Cumberland, who had left the main army to visit all the lower parts of Dutch Flanders, then blockaded and surrounded by the enemy. The intention of his Royal Highness was to superintend the defence of Hulst in person; but his object was defeated by the surrender of the place sooner than was expected, not without suspicion of misconduct on the part of the commander, who had notice that reinforcements were ordered to his relief. The British regiments were ordered to South Beveland. The Duke staid till he saw the troops embarked, and, in this position, exposed himself to considerable danger. Scarcely had he gone on board, when a great body of French came up, and "attacked 300 of the Highland regiment, who were the last to embark. They behaved with so much bravery, that they beat off three or four times their number, killing many, and making some prisoners, with only the loss of four or five of their own number." [Hague Gazette.]

In the beginning of June, Marshal Saxe collected his army, and encamped between Mechlin and Louvain. The French King arriving at Brussels on the 15th of June, his army was put in motion, and marched towards Tirlemont, the Allies being as ready to accept as the French to offer battle. Prince Wolfenbuttle, with the reserve of the first line, was ordered through Westerloo to the Abbey of Ever-bode, and the second line to take post at Westerloo, to sustain the reserve. On the 17th, the whole Allied Army had reached their destination, and were formed in order of battle; but the enemy declining an engagement on that day both armies manoeuvred till the 1st of July, making the necessary arrangements for the battle, which took place next morning at Lafeldt. This battle was obstinately contested; but the Allied Army was forced to retreat, with the loss of 5620 killed and wounded, while that of the enemy exceeded 10,000 men. That the loss of the vanquished should be less, by nearly one half, than that of a victorious army, must at first excite surprise. From nine in the morning till one in the afternoon, the Allies had the advantage. During that time, the village of Lafeldt had been thrice carried, and as often lost. The battle raged with the greatest violence round this spot. Thither the Duke of Cumberland ordered the whole left wing to advance. The enemy gave way to the vigour of this attack, and victory seemed within the grasp of the Confederates, when Marshal Saxe brought up some fresh troops, (the Irish and Scotch brigades in the service of France,) who charged the centre, under Prince Waldeck, with such impetuosity, that they were driven back in confusion.

[In an account of this battle, printed at Liege in July 1747, it is said that the King of France's brigade marched up under the command of Marshal Saxe, and carried the village of Lanhery after a repulse of forty battalions, who had attempted it successively. A letter from an officer in the army to his friend at York says, " That the brigade consisted of Scotch and Irish in the French service, who fought like devils; that they neither gave nor took quarter; that, observing the Duke of Cumberland to be extremely active in defence of this post, they were employed, on this attack, at their own request; that they in a manner cut down all before them, with a full resolution, if possible, to reach his Royal Highness, which they certainly would have done, had not Sir John Ligonier come up with a party of horse, and thereby saved the Duke at the loss of his own liberty; that it was generally believed the young Pretender was a volunteer in the action, which animated these rebellious troops to push so desperately ; and as what advantage the French had at Fontenoy was as well as now owing to the desperate behaviour of these brigades, it may be said that the King of France [is indebted for much of his success to the natural-born subjects of the crown of Great Britain." (Gentleman's Magazine, 1747.)]

Some squadrons of Dutch cavalry, seeing what was passing in their front, turned to the right about, and instead of marching up to the support of the line, retreated at full gallop, overturning five battalions of infantry marching up from the reserve. So sudden were these movements, that it was with difficulty his Royal Highness could reach the left wing; and a complete rout would in all probability have ensued, had not General Lord Ligonier, with three British regiments of cavalry, and some squadrons of Austrians, charged the enemy with such vigour and success, as to overthrow the part of their force opposed to him, and thus caused such a diversion as enabled the Duke of Cumberland to effect his retreat to Maestricht. Lord Ligionier became the victim of his own gallantry; for his horse being killed, he was taken prisoner. The Allies were not pursued in their retreat. The enemy seem satisfied with a victory, of which at one time, they had no expectation, and which was attributed to the second disposition of the Allies, by which only one half of their force could be brought forward, while the enemy could exert their whole strength.

In the mean time, the Highlanders, with some British troops, remained in South Beveland, till Count Lohendhal was detached by Marshal Saxe, with a force of twenty-five thousand men, to attack Bergen-op-zoom.

When his designs were discovered, the troops left in Zealand and Beveland, with the exception of Lord John Murray's Highlanders, were collected and marched to the lines of Bergen-op-zoom, the strongest fortification in Dutch Brabant, and the favourite work of the celebrated Coehorn, which, having never been stormed, was generally esteemed impregnable. Lord Loudon's Highlanders were employed in the defence of this place, and Lord John Murray's remained in Beveland; but Lord John, Captain Fraser of Culduthel, Captain Campbell of Craignish, and several other officers of his regiment, were on duty at the siege.

In March 1748, the British army, under the Earl of Albemarle, consisting of the Royals, 8th and 20th, Scotch Fusileers, 31st, Lord John Murray's and Lord Loudon's Highlanders, joined the Allies near Ruremond.

In the month of May, Maestricht, with an Austrian garrison, being attacked by the French, was carried after a short but warm siege. Preliminaries of peace were soon afterwards signed, and the army went into quarters.

Though Fontenoy was the only battle of great importance in which they were engaged, yet the Highlanders had during this war, many opportunities of displaying their discipline, and capability of enduring fatigue and privations in the field. In quarters, their conduct was exemplary, and procured them the esteem and respect of those among whom they were stationed. Whether in a hostile or friendly country, no insubordination was exhibited, nor any acts of violence or rapine committed. The inhabitants of Flanders and other places seemed equally satisfied with their conduct. Of all this I could produce many instances, but the testimony of the Elector of Baden, which I have already quoted, to their conduct in the years 1743 and 1744', renders it superfluous to add more.

While the regiment was thus employed abroad, the three additional companies remained in Scotland, supplying it with recruits, and performing various duties in the High-lands. They were encamped at Fort Augustus till September 1747, when they marched into winter quarters. The companies under Captains Menzies and Macneil were ordered to Taybridge and the neighbouring parts of Perthshire, and the Laird of Mackintosh to Tarland in Aberdeenshire. In March 1748, the three companies marched to Prestonpans, to embark for the purpose of joining the regiment in Flanders ; but in consequence of the signing of the preliminaries of peace, the orders were countermanded, and in the course of that year these companies were reduced.

The regiment remained in Flanders during the whole of the year 1748, and returned to England in December, when it was proposed to send them to the Highlands, to be employed on that duty for which they were originally raised as independent companies. This intention was, however, relinquished; and, being put on the establishment of Ireland, they were sent to that country.

In the year 1749, the number of the regiment was changed from the 43d to the 42d, in consequence of the reduction of General Oglethorpe's, then the 42d regiment.

It is unnecessary to follow the regiment through all its changes of quarters in Ireland, from the conclusion of the war till the year 1756, during which period it was stationed in different parts of the country. There is one circumstance, however, the more worthy of notice, as it was not followed by a result too frequent at that period, when animosities, jealousies, and disputes, between the military and the inhabitants among whom they were quartered, existed to a considerable degree. On the part of the Highlanders, the case was so different, that, though they were stationed . in small detachments, and associated much with the people, the happiest cordiality subsisted between them. The effects of this good understanding were permanently felt. Of this several characteristic anecdotes have been communicated to me by old officers who had served in the regiment, and by others who visited Ireland at a subsequent period, and met with gratifying proofs of the favourable impression entertained in that country of the character of the 42d regiment. Perhaps the similarity of language, and the general and prevailing belief of the same origin, might have had some influence over the Irish and Highlanders. Upon the return of the regiment from America in 1767, many applications, founded on this favourable opinion, were made by towns and districts to get them stationed among them.

There were few courts-martial; and, for many years, no instance occurred of corporal punishment. If a soldier was brought to the halberts, he became degraded, and little more good was to be expected of him. After being publicly disgraced, he could no longer associate with his comrades; and, in several instances, the privates of a company have, from their pay, subscribed to procure the discharge of an obnoxious individual.

Great regularity was observed in the duties of public worship. In the regimental orders, hours are fixed for morning prayers by the chaplain; and on Sundays, for Divine service, morning and evening. [These orders state, "Prayers to-morrow at nine o'clock—Prayers in the barracks on Tuesday at eight o'clock. " It would appear that various causes interrupted the daily prayers; but by these orders it appears they were frequent.] The greatest respect was observed towards the ministers of religion. When Dr Ferguson was chaplain of the corps, he held an equal, if not, in some respects, a greater, influence over the minds of the men than the commanding officer. The succeeding chaplain, Mr Maclaggan, preserved the same authority; and, while the soldiers looked up with reverence to these excellent men, the most beneficial effects were produced on their minds and conduct by the religious and moral duties which their chaplains inculcated. [I have been told that many of the old soldiers were more anxious to conceal any little breach of moral conduct from the chaplain than from the commanding officer.]

While their religious and moral duties were under the guidance of Dr Ferguson, they were equally fortunate in having, as their military director, so excellent and judicious a man as the late Duke of Argyll, who commanded during the six years they were stationed in Ireland, viz. from 1749 to 1755. Under such auspices and instructions, and with the honourable principles which generally guided the soldiers, the best result was to be anticipated; and it was not without reason that their countrymen of the North considered them as an honour to their districts, and held them up as an example to the rising generation.

Although the original members of the regiment had now almost disappeared, their habits and character were well sustained by their successors, to whom they were left, as it were, in charge. This expectation has been fulfilled through a long course of years and events. The first supply of recruits after the original formation was, in many instances, inferior to their predecessors in personal appearance, as well as in private station and family connexions, but they lost nothing of that firm step, erect air, and freedom from awkward restraint, the consequence of a spirit of independence and self-respect, which distinguished their predecessors.

Such were the character and behaviour of this corps during the eight years of peace which succeeded the German war of 1740 and 1748. They were soon to be more actively employed in a distant part of the world.

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