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Sketches of The Character, Manners, and Present State of the Highlanders of Scotland

Part III

Military Annals of the Highland Regiments

Section IV

Second Campaign in North America

Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 1759—Niagara, 1759—Bailie of the Heights of Abraham, and death of Wolfe, 1759—Battle of Quebec, 1760—Surrender of Montreal—Completion of the Conquest of Canada, 1760.

The Highlanders were embarked from Guadaloupe for North America, where they arrived early in July, and about the end of the same month, Major Gordon Graham was ordered by General Amherst, then at Crown Point, to take the command of the 2d battalion, and to march them up to Oswego, and afterwards to join either General Prideaux's expedition, or his own army, as circumstances might render necessary. After reaching head-quarters, the two battalions were combined, and served in conjunction during the latter period of this campaign, which comprehended three very important enterprises. Major-General Wolfe, who had given such promise of great military talents at Louisburg, was to attack Quebec from Lower Canada, while General Amherst, now Commander-in-chief, and successor of General Abercromby, should endeavour to form a communication, and co-operate with him through Upper Canada. General Prideaux was to proceed against Niagara, in order to prevent the enemy from giving any interruption to General Amherst's operations on that side, and endeavour to get possession of the strong and important post near the Falls. This great and comprehensive combination, had it been successful, would, in that campaign, have driven the enemy out of all their territories in North America. The army under the Commander-in-chief was first put in motion, and consisted of the Royals, 17th, 27th, Royal Highlanders, 2 battalions 55th, Montgomery's Highlanders, nine battalions of Provincials, a battalion of light infantry, and a body of Rangers and Indians, with a detachment of artillery. When joined by the 2d battalion of the Royal Highlanders from the West Indies, this army amounted to 14,500 men. At Fort Edward, the point of rendezvous, the whole were assembled, on the 19th of June; and the 1st battalion of Royal Highlanders and light infantry of the army who, a few days before, had been detached in front under the command of Colonel Francis Grant of the 42d regiment, were ordered to strike their tents and move forward next day. The main body followed on the 21st, and encamped on Lake George, on the spot where General Abercromby had encamped the preceding year, previously to the attack of Ticonderoga. Considerable time was spent in making the necessary arrangements for attacking this formidable post, which the enemy seemed determined to defend, and which had already proved so disastrous to our troops. On seeing the English General ready to advance, however, the enemy, having set fire to the magazines and buildings, abandoned the fort, and retreated to Crown Point. The plan of the campaign, on the part of the enemy, seems to have been, to embarrass and retard the invading army, but not to hazard any considerable engagement, nor to allow themselves to be so completely invested as to make a retreat impracticable; and, in withdrawing from post to post, to make an appearance as if determined to defend each. By these means they hoped that the advance of the British would be so far retarded, that the season for action on the Lakes would pass away without any decisive advantage on the part of the invaders, whilst their own force would be gradually concentrating, so as to be enabled to arrest General Amherst in his progress down the St Lawrence to Montreal. With these views they abandoned Ticonderoga, which experience had shown to be so capable of making a good resistance.

But, although the General had reason to imagine that the enemy would relinquish Crown Point in the same manner as Ticonderoga, yet he took measures as if he expected an obstinate defence, or an attempt to surprise him in his march, recollecting, no doubt, how fatal precipitation and false security had recently proved in that part of the world. Whilst he superintended the repairs of Ticonderoga, he was also indefatigable in preparing batteaux and other vessels for conveying his troops, and obtaining the superiority on the Lakes. Intelligence having been received that the enemy had evacuated Crown Point, and had retired to the garrison of Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity of Lake Champlain, General Amherst moved forward and took possession of the garrison which the French had abandoned; and, to augment his disposable force, the 2d battalion of the Royal Highlanders was ordered up; Captain James Stewart, with 150 men, being left at Oswego. The General having, by great exertion, obtained a naval superiority, determined to embark on Lake Champlain, but a succession of storms compelled him to abandon the further prosecution of active movements, for the remainder of the season, and returning to Crown Point, the troops were put into winter quarters.

The great object of the enterprise had been to form a junction, and co-operate with General Wolfe in the reduction of Quebec. Though this plan was frustrated, very important advantages were derived, and a cooperation so far effected, as to prevent the enemy from sending a larger force to oppose General Wolfe in his more arduous undertaking. Before advancing towards Ticonderoga, General Amherst had detached General Prideaux with the 44th and 46th regiments, the 1st battalion of Royal Americans, and some provincial corps and Indians, under the command of Sir William Johnson, to attack the fort of Niagara, a most important post, which secures a greater number of communications than any in America. The troops reached the place of their destination without opposition, and investing it in form, carried on the siege by regular approaches. In a few days after the commencement of the siege, Prideaux was killed by the accidental bursting of a mortar, and the conduct of the operations devolved on Sir William Johnson, who had, on several occasions, given satisfactory proofs of ability. To relieve a post of such consequence, great efforts were made by the French, and a considerable body of troops drawn from the neighbouring garrisons of Detroit, Verango, and Presque-Isle. Apprized of their intention, Sir William Johnson made dispositions to intercept them on their march. In the evening, he ordered the Light infantry to post themselves on the left of the road leading to the fort, and reinforcing them the following morning with the Grenadiers and 46th regiment, under Colonel Eyre Mas-sey, and with the 44th regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Farquhar, as a reserve, he ordered them to wait the approach of the enemy, who soon appeared in sight, and immediately attacked with great impetuosity. The Indians commenced with the war whoop, which had now lost its ef-feet upon the British soldiers, and met with such a reception in front, while the Light infantry and Indians in the British service attacked them in flank, that, in little more than half an hour, their whole army was put to the rout, and M. D'Aubray the commander, with a number of officers, taken prisoners. This battle having been fought in sight of the French garrison, Johnson sent Major Harvey to the commanding officer with a flag of truce, and a list of seventeen officers taken. He immediately surrendered, and the garrison, consisting of 607 men, marched out with their baggage on the 24th of July, and were perfectly protected from insult, plunder, or outrage, from our Indian allies; the conduct of the British thus exhibiting a remarkable contrast to the treatment which our garrisons had, in similar circumstances, experienced, and refuting the vague pretence, that the excesses and cruelties of the Indians could not be restrained. This was the second victory Sir William Johnson had gained over the enemy, and on both occasions their commanders had fallen into his hands. During this war, Lord Clive and Sir William Johnson, both self-taught generals, evinced, in a series of successful actions, that genius, although uninstructed, will, by its native power, compensate the want of military experience and discipline. The services of the latter were particularly valuable, from the influence which his justice, honour, and conciliating manners, had acquired over the Indians. [The services of Sir William Johnson were equally useful and important. On two occasions he had taken the commanders of the enemy whom he fought, and had materially crippled their power. As a reward for these services, he was raised to the rank of Major-General, and received a Parliamentary grant of L.5000, to which his Majesty added the title of Baronet. Throughout the war he proved himself an active and useful partisan, and displayed peculiar talents for that species of warfare which is best calculated for the woods and swamps of America. His strict integrity and conciliating manners gave him great influence over the Indians and provincial troops, whom he managed so as to render them exceedingly useful to the service. He was a native of Ireland, and had been early sent to America by his uncle, Admiral Sir Peter Warren, to manage an estate which he had purchased there.]

In this campaign General Amherst was successful in every enterprise which he undertook. [The following was the opinion of an Indian Sachem, of the state of affairs at the close of the campaign of 1759: "The English, formerly women, are now turned men, and arc thick all over the country as the trees in the woods. They have taken Niagara, Cataraque, Ticonderoga, Louisburg, and now lately Quebec, and they will soon eat the remainder of the French in Canada, or drive them out of the country."] His progress, though slow, intimidated the enemy to such a degree, that, except at Niagara, they made little resistance; and the unimpaired strength of his army afforded the best prospect of success in his future operations. But, however important the reduction and possession of these posts might be, from the extent of the country which they commanded, they were exploits of easy accomplishment in comparison of the conquest of Quebec, the object to which all these operations were subordinate. That being considered as the main undertaking, it seems somewhat extraordinary, that, while General Amherst headed a force of 14,500 men, the division intended for the reduction of Quebec comprehended only the following regiments, 1.5th, 28th, 35th, 43d, 47th, 48th, 58th, Fraser's Highlanders, the Rangers, and the Grenadiers of Louisburg, in all not more than 7000 effective men. But the spirit, intrepidity, and firmness of the officers and soldiers, more than supplied the deficiency of numbers. This army, so small in comparison of the importance of the service expected, was fortunate in being placed under the command of Major-General Wolfe, who had borne so active a share in the conquest of Louisburg. He was well supported by the Brigadiers Monckton, Murray, and Townshend, (late Marquis Townshend), who executed his boldest and most desperate enterprises with that gallantry and promptitude which his own example was so well calculated to inspire.

Conformably to my intention of noticing the service of all the Highland corps in this war, I shall now give a few particulars of this expedition, in which Fraser's Highlanders served. A detail of the whole would lead me to a more extended narrative than my plan would admit of. The fleet under the command of Admirals Saunders and Holmes, with the transports, reached the Island of Orleans in the end of June, when the troops were disembarked without opposition. The first attempt was to take possession of Point Levi, situated within cannon-shot of the city. For this service General Monckton, with four regiments, passed the river at night, and next morning advanced and took possession of the post, after driving in some of the enemy's regular troops, who skirmished with his advanced guard. Meanwhile, Colonel Carlton took possession of a post in the western point of Orleans. The difficulties of the enterprise were at this time fully ascertained. Co-operation was not to be expected from General Amherst, of whose movements no intelligence had been received. The enemy, more numerous by many thousands, were commanded by the Marquis de Montcalm, an able, and hitherto fortunate leader, who posted his army on a piece of ground rendered strong by precipices, woods, and rivers, and defended by entrenchments where the ground appeared the weakest. Apparently determined to risk nothing, and relying on the strength of his position, he waited for an opportunity to take advantage of his opponent: General Wolfe seemed fully sensible of the difficulties which he had to surmount, but they served only to inspire his active mind with fresh vigour. However arduous the undertaking, "he knew that a brave and victorious army finds no difficulties." [General Wolfe's Despatches.] Perceiving the impossibility of reducing the place, unless he could erect his batteries on the north of the St Lawrence, he used many military manoeuvres and stratagems to draw his cautious adversary from his stronghold, and decide the contest by a battle. But Montcalm was not to be moved. General Wolfe, therefore, determined to cross the river Montmorency, and attack the enemy's entrenchments. Accordingly six companies of Grenadiers and part of the Royal Americans were ordered to cross the river, and land near the mouth of the Montmorency, while Generals Murray and Townshend were to land higher up. The Grenadiers were to attack a redoubt situated near the water's edge, in the hope that the enemy would make an effort in its defence, and thus bring on the engagement so much desired. The possession of the place was likewise a desirable object, as it would enable the English General to obtain a full view of the French position. The Grenadiers, who first landed, had orders not to attack till the first brigade was sufficiently near to support them. These orders were, however, disregarded. Rushing forward with impetuosity, before they were regularly formed, to attack the enemy's entrenchments, they were received with so steady and well-directed a fire, that they were thrown into confusion, and sustained considerable loss before they retreated. They were again formed behind the brigades, which advanced under General Wolfe, who, seeing the plan of attack totally disconcerted, gave orders to repass the river, and return to the Isle of Orleans. The loss on this occasion was severe, being 54.3 of all ranks killed, wounded, and missing. The whole loss, after the landing of the army till the 2d of September, was 3 captains, 6 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 9 Serjeants, and 160 rank and file, killed; and 4 field officers, 16 captains, 23 subalterns, 20 Serjeants, and 570 rank and file, wounded. Of Fraser's Highlanders 18 rank and file were killed; Colonel Fraser, Captains M'Pherson and Simon Fraser, and Lieutenants Cameron of Gleneves, Ewan M'Donald, and H. M'Donald, and 85 rank and file, wounded. That General Wolfe keenly felt this disappointment, would appear from the tenor of the following general orders, which were issued on the morning after the attempt: "The check which the Grenadiers met with yesterday will, it is hoped, be a lesson for them for the time to come. Such impetuous, irregular, unsoldier-like proceedings destroy all order, make it impossible for the commanders to form any disposition for attack, and put it out of the general's power to execute his plan. The Grenadiers could not suppose that they alone could beat the French army; and, therefore, it was necessary that the corps under Brigadiers Monckton and Townshend should have time to join, that the attack might be general. The very first fire of the enemy was sufficient to repulse men who had lost all sense of order and military discipline. Amherst's (15th regiment) and the Highlanders alone, by the soldier-like and cool manner they were formed in, would undoubtedly have beaten back the whole Canadian army, if they had ventured to attack them."

It was thought advisable,, after this check, that, in future, their efforts should be directed to a landing above the town; but as no opportunity offered of annoying the enemy from that quarter, a plan was formed, among a "choice of difficulties," for conveying the troops farther down, and landing them by night, in the hopes of being able to ascend the Heights of Abraham, and so gain possession of the ground on the back of the city, where the fortifications were weakest. These heights rise abruptly from the banks of the river, and, in a great measure, command the city from that quarter. The dangers and difficulties attending the execution of this design were particularly discouraging; but the season was considerably advanced, and it was necessary to attempt something, however desperate. The late check, though it had taught them caution, had in no degree damped the courage, or shaken the firmness of the troops. The ardour of the General was unabated, notwithstanding his great debility of body, occasioned by disappointment and agitation of mind on account of the last failure. On the ] 2th of September, about an hour after midnight, four regiments of infantry, with the Highlanders and Grenadiers, were embarked in flat-bottomed boats, under the command of Brigadier-Generals Murray and Monckton. General Wolfe accompanied them, and was among the first that landed. The rapidity of the stream carried some of the boats beyond the mark. Colonel Howe, who was first on shore with the Light infantry and the Highlanders, ascended the woody precipices, and dislodged a captain's guard, which defended a small entrenched narrow path, by which the rest of the forces could reach the summit. They then mounted without much farther molestation, and General Wolfe formed them as they arrived on the summit. Some time was necessarily occupied in the ascent, as the precipice was so steep, that the soldiers were obliged to scramble up by the aid of the rugged projections of the rocks, and the branches of the trees and shrubs growing on the cliffs. By day-break the order of battle was formed. When Montcalm heard that the British were on the Heights of Abraham, he considered it merely as a feint to force him out of his stronghold. But he was soon convinced of the truth, and, comprehending the full force of the advantage gained, he saw that a battle was no longer to be avoided, and that upon the issue depended the fate of Quebec. He accordingly made the necessary preparations with judgment and promptitude; and quitting the camp at Montmorency, moved forward to attack the English. His right and left wing were equally formed of regular and provincial corps, while his centre consisted of a column of Europeans, with two field-pieces. Some brushwood in his front and flanks he filled with Indians and marksmen, the rest of the Indians and Canadians extending to the right. The British front line was composed of the Grenadiers, 15th, 28th, 35th, Highlanders, and 58th. The left of the line was covered by the Light infantry, and the 47th regiment formed the reserve. The irregular fire of the Canadians and Indians was extremely galling to the English line, and was particularly directed against the officers, whose dress and conspicuous exertions exposed them the more to the enemy. The troops were ordered to reserve their fire till the main body of the enemy were within forty yards. At that distance the whole line poured in a general discharge of musketry. This was repeated, and completely checked the enemy in front. Foiled in this attempt, they immediately directed an attack on the left of the British line, where they were as warmly received, and as effectually checked. Unable any longer to withstand the continued and well-directed fire poured in upon them, they began to give way. At this critical moment General Wolfe was mortally wounded, having before received two wounds, which he had concealed. Nearly at the same time the Marquis de Montcalm, who had placed himself on the left of his line, immediately fronting our right, where General Wolfe stood, experienced the same fate. Soon afterwards the two seconds in command, Generals Monckton and Severergues, were respectively carried wounded from the field. These disasters, instead of discouraging, seemed only to animate the troops, and every separate corps appeared to exert itself for his own peculiar honour. Brigadier Murray briskly advanced with the troops under his command, and soon broke the centre of the enemy, "when the Highlanders, taking to their broadswords, fell in among them with irresistible impetuosity, and drove them back with great slaughter." [General Account] General Townshend, on whom the command had now devolved, hastened to the centre, where he found some confusion from the rapid pursuit. Scarcely had he reformed the line, when Monsieur de Bougainville appeared in rear, leading on 2000 fresh men, with whom he had marched from Cape Rouge the moment he heard of the landing at the Heights. Two regiments were immediately ordered against this body, which retired on their approach. The victory was now complete. The. enemy retired to Quebec and Point Levi.

On the 12th of September the town surrendered. Of the enemy 1500 men were slain, the greatest part of which loss fell on the European troops, who made a most gallant stand. Their most irreparable loss was that of their brave and able commander. When this gallant officer was informed that his wound was mortal;—"So much the better," said he, "I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." On the side of the British the loss was also severe, not less from the number, than from the rank and character of those who fell. The death of the young commander was a national loss. Possessing by nature a heroic spirit and an extraordinary capacity, he was eager to acquire every species of military knowledge which study or actual service could bestow. "Brave, above all estimation of danger, he was also generous, gentle, complaisant, and humane; the pattern of the officer, the darling of the soldier. There was a sublimity in his genius which soared above the pitch of ordinary minds; and, had his faculties been exercised to their full extent by opportunity and actions, had his judgment been fully matured by age and experience, he would, without doubt, have rivalled, in reputation, the most celebrated captains of antiquity." As he lay on the field, he was told, "They fly." He opened his eyes, and asked, "Who are flying?" When answered it was the enemy, "Then," said he, "I die happy!" and he immediately expired.

The loss of the British consisted of 1 major-general, 1 captain, 7 subalterns, 3 Serjeants, and 45 rank and file, killed; and 1 brigadier-general, 4 staff-officers, 12 captains, 26 subalterns, 25 Serjeants, 4 drummers, and 406 rank and file, wounded. Of these the Highlanders had Captain Thomas Ross of Culrossie, Lieutenant Roderick Macneil of Barra, Alexander Macdonell, son of Barrisdale, 1 serjeant, and 14 rank and file, killed; and Captains John Macdonell of Lochgarry, Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, Lieutenants Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Campbell, son of Barcaldine, John Douglas, Alexander Fraser senior, and Ensigns James Mackenzie, Malcolm Fraser, Alexander Gregorson, 7 Serjeants, and 131 rank and file, wounded.

The disproportion in the number of the killed to that of the wounded in this action is remarkable, and must be ascribed to the unsteady and distant fire of the enemy. In the affair of Ticonderoga, when the enemy were covered and sufficiently near to take a proper aim, the number killed of the Royal Highlanders was within a few of the number wounded; whereas, on this occasion, Eraser's Highlanders had more than nine men wounded for every one killed. On the Heights of Abraham, our army seems to have suffered from the want of sharpshooters, a species of force of which the proper use was not then fully understood. Whilst our line stood waiting the advance of the enemy, many were wounded by the straggling and bush-fire of the Canadians and Indians; but when our line opened their fire, and push-ed forward, the enemy were soon thrown into confusion, and their fire afterwards had little effect.

The intelligence of this victory was received with great exultation in England; the more so, as the previous accounts transmitted, and the well-known difficulties of the undertaking, had given too much cause to doubt of the success of the enterprize. The official intelligence was followed by many private letters, communicating and explaining circumstances which did not appear in the public despatches. Several of these private communications contained statements in commendation of the conduct of different corps, and among the rest of Fraser's Highlanders. By these it appears that they well supported the character which they had, the preceding year, gained at Louisburg.

[Various anecdotes of this celebrated expedition, which has indeed afforded themes for many ballads and songs, were detailed in the newspapers of the time. In a publication of the day it is stated, that an old Highland gentleman of seventy years of age, who had accompanied Fraser's regiment as a volunteer, was particularly noticed for the dexterity and force with which he used his broadsword, when his regiment charged the enemy. On two occasions small parties of them were ordered to advance sword in hand, and drive the sharpshooters out of some brushwood on the right, from which they galled the line. This old man's conduct particularly attracted the notice of General Townshend, who sent for him after the engagement, and, praising his gallant behaviour, expressed surprise how he could leave his native country at such an advanced age, and follow the fortune of war. He was so struck with the old man's magnanimity, that he took him to England along with him, and introduced him to Mr Pitt. The minister presented him to the King, who was graciously pleased to give him a commission, with leave to return home on full pay. This gentleman was Malcolm Macpherson of Phoiness, in the county of Inverness. A long and ruinous lawsuit, and, as he himself said, a desire of being revenged on the French for their treacherous promises in 1745, made him take the field as a soldier, A near relation of his, Kenneth Macpherson, when well advanced in years, (for he had also joined the Rebellion in 1745,) acted nearly in a similar manner. In the year ]770 he formed the resolution of going to India, where he was appointed a cadet, and living to a great age, attained the rank of lieutenant-general, and died there in the year 1815, leaving a handsome fortune to his relations in Badenoch.]

In a letter from a general officer, it is remarked that "the Highlanders seem particularly calculated for this country and species of warfare, requiring great personal exertion: their patience, sober habits, and hardihood,—their bravery, their agility, and their dress, contribute to adapt them to this climate, and render them formidable to the enemy."

To conclude the events of this campaign, which ended in giving Britain the possession of the principal part of the richest, most populous, and most important colony of France, General Townshend entered Quebec, and soon afterwards embarked for England. The Honourable General James Murray, with 5000 men, was left to defend the town and the conquered country, which were then threatened by Monsieur Vandreuil, the Governor-General of Canada, with a force of nearly 14,000 men, stationed in Montreal and the neighbouring territory. General Murray was indefatigable in repairing the fortifications, and putting the town in the best possible state of defence; but, through the severity of the season, and a long subsistence on salt provisions, the troops had been so reduced by disease and scurvy, that in the month of April he had only 3.000 effective men. In this state of things, intelligence was received that General de Levi, who succeeded Montcalm, had arrived at Point au Tremble, with 10,000 French and Canadians, and 500 Indians, and that his first object was to cut off the posts which the English had established in the neighbourhood. Upon this information, General Murray ordered the bridges to be broken down, and the landing-places to be secured and strengthened. He then marched out with a strong detachment, and took possession of an advanced position, which he retained till all the outposts were withdrawn, and returned to the town with little loss, although his rear was smartly pressed by the enemy. Sensible of the dangerous posture of his affairs, with a sickly and reduced garrison, amidst an unfriendly people, unprotected by works calculated for defence against an enemy so superior in numbers, and impatient of a protracted siege, the General took a resolution suited to his high spirit and ardent mind, and determined to try the event of a battle. Accordingly, he marched out, on the 28th of April, with his little army, and formed them on those heights which had witnessed their former success. The right wing, commanded by Colonel Burton, consisted of the 15th, 48th, 58th, and second battalion of the 60th; the left, under Colonel Simon Fraser, was formed of the 43d, 47th, Welsh Fusileers, and the Highlanders; the 35th and third battalion 60th composing the reserve. Major Dalling, with a corps of Light infantry, covered the right, and Captain Donald M'Donald of Fraser's the left. This order had scarce been completed, when the enemy was seen in full march. The General wishing to engage before they formed line from their columns, advanced to meet them, and sent forward the Light infantry, who immediately drove their advance back on their main body; but, having pursued too far, they were fiercely attacked and repulsed in their turn, and fell back with such confusion on the line, as to impede their fire. In passing round by the right flank to the rear, they suffered much by several vollies from a party of the enemy who were attempting to turn that flank. At the same moment a body having advanced on the line in front, made two bold attempts to charge; and, although repulsed, produced such an impression, that it became necessary to call up the 35th from the reserve. In the mean time, the enemy made several desperate attacks on the left wing, their superior numbers enabling them to attempt turning that flank in the same manner as the right. In this they so far succeeded, that they penetrated into two redoubts, but were driven out from both by the Highlanders sword in hand. The enemy, pushing forward fresh numbers, at last succeeded in forcing this flank to retire, the right wing giving way at the same time. Neglecting, or being unable to follow up this advantage, they allowed the English to retire quietly, and to carry away the wounded. These amounted to 82 officers, 679 non-commissioned officers and privates: 6 officers and 251 rank and file were killed. Of this number the Highlanders had Captain Donald Macdonald, [Captain Macdonald was an accomplished high-spirited officer. He was a second son of Clanranald. He entered early in life into the French service, and, following Prince Charles Edward to Scotland in 1745, he was taken prisoner, and, along with O'Neil, afterwards a lieutenant-general in the service of Spain, and commander of the expedition against Algiers in 1775, was confined in the Castle of Edinburgh; but, being liberated without trial, he returned to France, where he remained till 1756, when he came back to Scotland, and was appointed to a company in Fraser's Highlanders. On the expeditions against Louisburg and Quebec, he was much in the confidence of Generals Amherst, Wolfe, and Murray, by whom he was employed on all duties where more than usual difficulty and danger was to be encountered, and where more than common talent, address, and spirited example, was required. Of this several instances occurred at Louisburg and Quebec.] Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon, and 55 non-commissioned officers, pipers, and privates, killed; Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, Alexander Fraser, Alexander Macleod, Charles Macdonnell, Lieutenants Archibald Campbell, son of Glen-lyon, Charles Stewart, [This officer engaged in the Rebellion of 1745, and was in Stewart of Appin's regiment, which had seventeen officers and gentlemen of the name of Stewart killed, and ten wounded, at Culloden. He was severely wounded on that occasion, as he was on this. As he lay in his quarters some days afterwards, speaking to some brother officers on the recent battles, he exclaimed, " From April battles, and Murray generals, good Lord deliver me!" alluding to his wound at Culloden, where the vanquished blamed Lord George Murray, the commander-in-chief of the rebel army, for fighting on the best field in the country for regular troops, artillery, and cavalry; and likewise alluding to his present wound, and to General Murray's conduct in marching out of a garrison to attack an enemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where their whole strength could be brought to act. One of those story-retailers who are sometimes about head-quarters, lost no time in communicating this disrespectful prayer of the rebellious clansman. General Murray, who was a man of humour and of a generous mind, called on the wounded officer the following morning, and heartily wished him better deliverance in the next battle, when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a different manner.] Hector Macdonald, John Macbean, Alexander Fraser senior, Alexander Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser junior, Simon Fraser senior, Archibald M'Alister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald M'Neil, Ensigns Henry Monro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron (Fassafern), William Robertson, Alexander Gregorson, and Malcolm Fraser, and 129 non-commissioned officers and privates, wounded.

General Levi, although he did not attempt an immediate pursuit, moved forward the same evening, and took up a position close to the town, upon which he opened a fire at five o'clock. A regular siege was now formed, and continued till the 10th of May, when it was suddenly raised, the enemy decamping and taking the route towards Montreal, and leaving all their guns and stores in the trenches. This event was hastened by two causes: the expected advance of General Amherst on Montreal, and especially the sudden appearance of Commodore Lord Colville with a squadron from Halifax, who instantly attacked and destroyed the enemy's ships above Quebec. The enemy now began to see themselves in danger of being soon between two fires, certain accounts having been received of General Amherst's preparations to descend the St Lawrence from the Lakes.

General Amherst, as I have already stated, being compelled by the inclemency of the weather to relinquish his intention of proceeding down the St Lawrence to co-ope-rate with Wolfe, had placed his troops in winter quarters in the month of October. In May following, he again commenced operations, and made the necessary arrangements for the junction of his army with that of General Murray at Montreal. This was the only place of strength which the enemy now possessed in the country. Colonel Haviland was detached with a body of troops to take possession of the Isle aux Noix, and from thence to penetrate, by the shortest route, to the banks of the St Lawrence. General Murray had orders to proceed up the river with all the forces he could muster. On the 7th of August, Colonel Haldimand was sent with the Grenadiers, Light infantry, and a battalion of the Royal Highlanders, to take post at the bottom of the Lake, and assist the armed vessels in passing to La Galette. On the 10th of August, the whole army embarked, and proceeded on the Lake towards the mouth of the St Lawrence; and after a difficult navigation down the river, in which several boats were upset, and about eighty men lost, landed, on the 6th of September, six miles above Montreal. On the evening of the same day, General Murray appeared below the town; and so admirably were all the arrangements executed, that Colonel Haviland came down on the following day on the south side of the river; and thus, after traversing a great tract of unknown and intricate country, three armies united, and were ready to attack Monsieur Vandreuil, who saw himself thus surrounded and unable to move. If he attempted to march out of the town to attack either of the opponents who were advancing upon him, the other was ready to march in, and thus he would be exposed in the open fields to the attack of the three divisions. He therefore entered into a correspondence, which ended in a surrender, upon what were considered favourable terms. Thus was completed a conquest the most important that the British arms had achieved in the Western World, whether we consider the extent and fertility of the country acquired, the safety it yielded to the English colonies, or the security it afforded to the Indian trade. Lord Rollo was immediately sent with a body of troops to take possession of the outposts, and to receive the submission of the inhabitants, who came in from all quarters. The judicious arrangements of the Commander-in-chief, and the spirit and enterprise of General Murray, command our admiration. Much praise is likewise due to the justice and humanity of Sir William Johnson, who, by his unbounded influence over the Indians, so controlled them, that, from the time the army entered the enemy's country till the close of the campaign, there was no act of barbarity or plunder committed.

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