Questionable claims by Patrick Scott Hogg
regarding membership of Robert Burns in the Friends of the People in
Dumfries and who was a government spy and who was not has brought forth
this reply from the highly recognized and international Burns scholar,
Dr. Gerard Carruthers. The following articles, found on the Robert
Burns Lives! website, will provide the necessary background for a
more complete understanding of the subject matter. The first of these
articles appeared on-line October 21, 2009 and along with these related
writings the articles appear to have acquired a life of their own. Just
click on
http://www.electricscotland.com/familytree/frank/burns.htm
for access to the articles by chapter and title.
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Chapter 73, Was Robert Burns a Member of
the Friends of the People in Dumfries? by Mark Wilson.
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Chapter 79, A Reply to Mark Wilson’s
Essay – Was Robert Burns a Member of the Friends of the People of
Dumfries? by Patrick Scott Hogg.
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Chapter 80, The Questions Patrick Scott
Hogg Should Ask by Mark Wilson.
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Chapter 81, Another reply to Paddy Hogg
by a Scottish Historian
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Chapter 83, Email from Patrick Scott
Hogg to Frank R. Shaw and his Reply.
Below is an interesting article by
Carruthers, who is also a Burns textual critic/expert with few peers.
I’ve said about all I am going to say on the subject in some of the
above chapters, particularly in Chapter 83, unless the need arises. But
to be fair to all parties, Patrick Scott Hogg included, and others as
well, anyone is invited to reply to this article and any of the others
if they so choose. This commentary by Dr. Carruthers will become Chapter
88 on Robert Burns Lives! (FRS: 6.16.10)
The Peculiar ‘Research’ of Patrick
Scott Hogg
By Gerard Carruthers
I have
observed with interest Mark Wilson’s forensic dismantling of Patrick
Scott Hogg’s claims that there was a branch of the Friends of the People
at Dumfries and that Robert Burns was a member of this organisation. Mr
Wilson’s perspicuity is new to me, but sadly Mr Hogg’s mangling of the
facts is not. The latter’s asinine attempts over the years to trumpet
supposedly new discoveries about the poet represent a sub-genre of Burns
‘scholarship’ (although actually shunned by real scholars). Part
self-glorification, part bardolatry, Hogg’s fabrication of history is
very familiar to me. In The Canongate Burns (2001) he tries to
foist ‘new’ Burns poems on the public taken from the periodical press of
the 1790s. In the case of one poem he removes the locus of ‘Airdrie’
found in its original publication, in another the signature ‘F’, from
the bottom of the piece from his versions of the texts. All of this
without Hogg acknowledging such removed information: a poet writing from
a Lanarkshire town and a poet whose initial points to no connection with
Robert Burns; these are serious impediments for Hogg desperate to
convince us he has found ‘lost poems’ by the bard. And this is why he
wishes to ‘lose’ such bothersome bits of text! In another instance, Hogg
plants the initials ‘R.B’ to shore up his case of an allegedly
‘new’ poem put together by Burns for the periodical press.i
Simply put, Hogg has shown himself to be ‘unreliable’ and, as Mark
Wilson’s work demonstrates, repeatedly so at that. I am afraid the
‘convenient’ mixing up of ‘visitor’ with ‘delegate’ and Hogg’s other
misinformation with regard to the Friends of the People shows the same
old gauchely unreliable ‘methodology’ at large. We have now had nearly a
decade of Hogg trying to sell his wares the public and I wonder what
tiresome ploy he will come up with next since he is patently shameless.
I note that in
his email to Frank Shaw (which Hogg clearly never thought would be made
public), Patrick Scott Hogg wishes to take credit for James Mackay’s
scholarship being called into question.ii
Is this the same Hogg who, following Dr Mackay’s death, started a
discussion thread about him on the World Burns Club forum which revelled
in the rubric, ‘Tribute to a Fellow Burnsian’. Yet again, the sincere
Patrick Scott Hogg! I also note, having recently seen the promotional
flier for Hogg’s book, The Patriot Bard (2008), some
curious claims. In his response to Wilson on ‘Robert Burns Lives’, Hogg
attempts to downplay his ‘findings’ on Burns and the Friends of the
People. However, the flier boasts that the ‘Dumfries branch’ in which he
locates Burns is ‘a fact that was previously unknown.’ I am afraid, as
Wilson amply shows, it is a fact still unknown! The advance flier also
promises a number of other treats including Hogg showing us ‘that “Tam
o’ Shanter” was most definitely not written in a day’. Where in Burns
criticism from the earliest days until now do we find any serious
proponent of the ‘theory’ that it was? We are also proffered in The
Patriot Bard a different kind of man and poet from the
‘semi-confused, contradictory simpleton of previous biographies’. Now
there are many biographies of the poet, some of them pretty awful, but I
have yet to find one that proposes that Burns was a ‘simpleton’.
However, such relatively harmless tosh, presumably written by the
path-breaking Mr Hogg himself, is also accompanied by distortions of the
truth such as the Friends of the People claim and the sleight of hand
(clumsy as it is) that ‘Robert Heron, was actually a paid government
hack who was asked to write anti-radical propaganda in the Scottish
press, and who blackened Burns’s reputation by accusing him of being a
“whore maister” and a drunkard’ (this again taken from the promotional
flier). Yes, Heron did bend his pen to anti-radicalism and he also
painted a less than flattering portrait of Burns’s morality soon after
the poet died. Hogg’s attempt, however, to link Heron the anti-radical
writer and Heron the biographer of the dead poet, so as to imply,
clearly, a systematic government campaign against the poet is painting
an untrue picture. Hogg is not original here as this view emanates (in
its modern, entertaining but historically uninformed manifestation) in
the bodice-ripping novel, The Clarinda Conspiracy (1989);
suitably enough, the idea that the government was out to get Burns is
pure fiction!
However, the
substance of this article (having highlighted some sadly pertinent
background) concerns the observations of another contributor to
Robert Burns Lives, ‘Scottish Historian’ someone else who clearly
has the measure of what he (I am assuming it is a ‘he’) is dealing with.
I was particularly interested in Scottish Historian’s observation, ‘The
Patriot Bard’s claim that the spy J.B. is Claud I. Boswell is not
convincingly made, and Hogg’s documentation for his claim is badly
garbled.’iii
Spot on! For a start, when one looks at the ‘information’ pertaining to
Boswell in The Patriot Bard, Hogg’s referencing is both
inadequate and even plain wrong (faults strongly discerned by Mark
Wilson also). I might add, and I would assume that this also comprises
part of Scottish Historian’s doubt, that Claud Irvine Boswell
(1742-1824) is not a very likely spy. By 1793, Boswell was in his
fifties and had been since 1780 Sheriff-depute of Fife and Kinross. In
other words, he was a prominent figure in legal circles (centred on the
Scottish capital). This does not sound, either socially or practically,
like the profile of a man sent to spy on Edinburgh reformers (who
included among their number progressively minded individuals from the
legal profession who would probably notice in their midst the man whose
rising career lead to him becoming in 1798 a lord-of-session taking the
title of Lord Balmuto). The case becomes even more doubtful when we
consider that the spy, ‘J.B.’ at times in his correspondence with the
authorities seems hard up for money and is somewhat bargain driving a
propos the handing over of information. Actually, in his status as a
Sheriff-Depute, Boswell would have been required not to withhold any
information in the interests of financial gain, indeed not to sell his
services at all against those supposed to be a threat to His Majesty,
the king, as a matter of sworn duty. Primarily, Boswell was a crown
official not an agent for hire!
Let me draw
attention to some precise problems with Hogg’s case that J.B. is Claud
Irvine Boswell. Hogg writes:
The
identity of the spy 'JB' has been a mystery to historians for two
centuries.
In my view, he was Claude Irvine Boswell, Depute Sheriff of Fife and
cousin
of James Boswell. In early December 1792, Claude Irvine Boswell
offered his
services to spy on the Edinburgh Friends of the People in a letter
to
government and he is named as the source of the report on Edinburgh
radicals
in papers RH2/4/64 f.255. (b) The mystery surrounding his identity
has been
largely down to his signature where he employed only two initials,
his middle
name and surname only. Claude Irvine Boswell signed his name with a
long
slanted old fashioned 'I' for Irvine, which looks like a capital 'J'
and his
identity has remained a mystery until now – if I am correct.iv
There are a
number of solecisms in this passage (which is also so badly written that
Hogg’s ‘meaning’ is perhaps out of control), something I discovered on
looking into Hogg’s sources. Firstly, RH2/4/64 f.255 is a letter from
Robert Dundas dated 6th
August 1792, which has nothing to do with the case in hand. The
reference in general pertains to government correspondence held in
London but with copies of this material in the National Archives of
Scotland in Edinburgh. Now we all make mistakes, and so I assumed this
must be a slip of Hogg’s pen and next worked through the subsequent
volumes in the sequence, RH2/4/65 and RH2/4/66. Two letters by Claud
Irvine Boswell show up for 5th
& 9th
December 1792 in the second of these volumes. The first of these letters
is about grain supply, over which serious political riots could and did
occur; the second seems to be the one to which Hogg refers. In
his letter of 9th
December, Boswell writes to the Lord
Advocate that he has never attended any of the reformers’ ‘Delegates’
meetings ‘but if I can be of any use I shall after tomorrow’ [this is
f.260, in the interests of accuracy]. In his letters Boswell talks of
potential riot, Excisemen being assaulted and unrest generally. And
discussing these letters the Lord Advocate writes to London [in RH2/4/66
f.256] that he hopes that ‘the accounts in Boswell’s hand are
exaggerated’.
Boswell is
offering certainly to maintain vigilance over reformers, but he is not
offering to ‘spy’, in some necessarily secret capacity. And the
generalised intelligence that he did provide, however accurate or not,
does not represent, as Hogg pretends, any kind of very precise ‘report
on Edinburgh radicals’. Sadly, the miasma of garbled reference and
phrases taken out of context then vaguely summarised represents Hogg’s
stock-in-trade of making big claims based on negligible evidence that,
seemingly, he would rather no-one else followed up. (I suspect too that
Hogg signals something of his actual ‘uncertainty’ with that weasel
phrase above masquerading as sweet reason: ‘if I am correct’.)
Curious too is
Hogg’s claim that ‘Claude Irvine Boswell signed his name with a long
slanted old fashioned 'I' for Irvine, which looks like a capital “J”.’
In the two letters by Boswell I have just mentioned, he signs himself
‘Claud Boswell.’ If Boswell’s signature does feature ‘IB’, as he claims
Hogg does not tell us where such a signature is to be found, and I
cannot find any such documents of Boswell’s so signed. Is Hogg simply
remiss in failing to reveal the source for his ‘I.B.’ contention or is
something worse going on? The question is understandable given Hogg’s
track record with missing and added texts (including signature
initials!).
There is one other important
point about the manuscript evidence: has Hogg compared the handwriting
of ‘J.B’ and Claud Boswell? One might have expected The Patriot Bard
to reproduce the hand of both to show that this is one and the same,
but for some peculiar reason it does not. As well as the two letters
mentioned above, I looked at a letter written by Boswell from 12th
September 1780 (in the research collections of Edinburgh University
Library). Boswell’s hand has not changed much, if at all, between this
date and the two 1790s letters. When we compare the Boswell hand with
that of ‘J.B.’ we find that the handwriting is very different.v
At this point (assuming he did compare the hands) Hogg had a
choice: going back to the drawing board, or not letting the evidence get
in the way of his argument. It is very clear what he did!
i
For full details of this situation and how dubious Hogg’s entire
‘lost poems’ project is, see my article,
'The
Canongate Burns:
Misreading Robert Burns & the Periodical Press of the 1790s' in
Review of
Scottish Culture
18 (2006), pp.41-50 .
ii Robert Burns Lives!, Chapter 83.
iii Robert Burns Lives!, Chapter 81.
iv P S Hogg, The Patriot Bard (Mainstream: Edinburgh,
2008), pp.347-8.
v Unless Hogg is saying
that the ‘J.B.’ reports are merely copies in another hand (a
phenomenon that would not be uncommon in espionage situations prior
to the invention of the typewriter); however, this returns us to the
problem of Hogg’s claims about the signatures of Boswell and ‘J.B.’
He can’t have it both ways!